84. RUSSIA IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 1990S In 1997, for the first time since the beginning of the reforms, official statistics registered some, albeit insignificant (0.4%), GDP growth, which was observed in the period over the past 11-12 years. Four factors can be distinguished that provided, if not growth, then

In the last decade of the 20th century In Japan, a regrouping of the main political forces began. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), which had ruled for almost 40 years, lost its majority in the 1993 elections to the lower house of parliament. Voters turned their backs on her, seeing her as a symbol of conservatism, corruption, and "yesterday."

A coalition of old and new opposition parties came to power: the New Japan Party, the Social Democratic Party (that was the name of the Japanese Socialist Party, which abandoned its former Marxist orientation), the Renewal Party, the Komeito Party, the Party of Democratic Socialism, the Pioneers Party and the Social Democratic Party. democratic union. In August 1993, the government was headed by the leader of the New Japan Party, Morihiro Hosokawa. New Cabinet promised political reform, which included limiting campaign finance and changing the electoral system. In January 1994 he succeeded in passing the political reform laws. However, in the coalition uniting the right and left parties, disagreements on economic policy issues escalated. In addition, Hosokawa was accused of misappropriation of donations, and in April 1994 he resigned.

The new prime minister, Tsutomu Hata, formed a minority government of 6 parties: the Renewal Party, the Komeito, the New Japan Party, the Democratic Socialist Party, the Liberal Party and the Democratic Socialist Party. But it didn't last long. Already in June 1994, Tomiichi Murayama headed a cabinet of representatives of the Social Democratic Party (SDP), the LDP and the small Pioneers (or Harbinger) party.

In an effort to improve relations with neighboring states, Hosokawa and Murayama on behalf of Japan officially regret the war crimes committed during World War II. However neighboring countries insist that Japan officially repent of its military-political actions in the 20th century. These demands are aimed at obtaining compensation and reparations from Tokyo. Japan's position is that all issues related to war reparations have already been resolved (with the exception of issues related to North Korea).

In January 1996, Murayama was replaced as prime minister by LDP leader Ryutaru Hashimoto. In October of that year, he held early elections to the lower house. The Prime Minister promised to increase the sales tax from 3% to 5% in order to alleviate the budget deficit and find funds to stimulate the economy and expand the fund to support pensioners. Tired of unstable coalitions, the Japanese voted for the Liberal Democrats, who won 239 out of 500 seats. The LDP's coalition partners, the Social Democrats, suffered a heavy defeat, content with only 15 seats. The second largest political force was the opposition New Frontier Party (156 seats). It was formed by a group of former members of the LDP, who annexed centrist groups. The party advocated cuts in taxes and spending on the state apparatus. The third place was taken by the new Democratic Party (DP), which sharply criticized the bureaucracy and proclaimed liberal and social democratic slogans. The Communists increased their representation in the chamber from 15 to 26 seats.

After the election, Hashimoto formed a liberal democratic cabinet. He continued a generally Keynesian economic policy, spending heavily on infrastructure development, building roads and bridges, and paying subsidies to failing banks and companies. Massive bankruptcies and rising unemployment to a level of 4.1% caused discontent among the population. The authorities promised to create a reserve bank for lending and reduce taxes from 1999. In April 1998, the government entered into a military agreement with the United States, pledging, in the event of a crisis in the region, to provide them with military support without directly participating in hostilities. The agreement drew lively criticism from within the country.

In July 1998, the LDP suffered a heavy defeat in the elections to the upper house of parliament, after which it decided to change its leader. Keizo Obuchi, who previously held the post of Minister of Foreign Affairs, became the new chairman of the LDP and prime minister. He promised to free political life from the dominance of bureaucracy, revive the country's economy and bring to an end negotiations on a peace treaty with Russia. In October 1998, parliament approved a law and amendments to the budget, which provided for the possibility of closing or temporarily nationalizing banks that were on the verge of bankruptcy, and allocating 60 billion yen for the rehabilitation of the credit industry. In the fall of 1998, Obuchi announced an unprecedented package of measures (24 trillion yen) to boost economic activity in the country. It included tax breaks for entrepreneurs and needy families. Families with children under 16 and the elderly received coupons for the purchase of goods worth 20,000 yen. To finance the program, new government loans. However, critics declared the program ineffective.

In January 1999, Obuchi brought the neo-conservative Liberal Party into government, and in October of that year, the Buddhist New Komeito Party. His cabinet announced the readiness of the Japanese armed self-defense forces under certain conditions to participate in UN peacekeeping operations, but not in hostilities.

In the field of foreign policy, the Obuchi government strengthened relations with South Korea after the successful visit to Japan by South Korean President Kim Tae-jung in October 1998. Japan supported the US in trying to persuade North Korea to abandon the development of nuclear weapons. Despite the fact that North Korean missiles flew over the Japanese islands during tests in August 1998, Tokyo continued to participate in a project designed to guarantee North Korea the possibility of peaceful development of nuclear energy in exchange for a freeze on its nuclear military program. However, relations remained cold, and only in April 2000 did the parties resume negotiations on their normalization. In November 1998, Chinese President Jiang Zemin visited Japan for the first time, but the parties could not agree on the issue of Taiwan. The return visit of the Japanese premier to China was made in July 1999.

In November 1999, the Japanese government adopted new program recovery in the market in the amount of 18 billion yen. It involved the allocation of funds to improve social infrastructure, help small and medium-sized businesses and increase unemployment benefits. The authorities managed to stop the fall in GDP, but growth remained insignificant.

In early 2000, differences between the LDP and the Liberal Party escalated, and Obuchi announced on April 2 that the coalition was being dissolved. However, a day later he suffered a stroke and fell into a coma (died May 14, 2000). Yoshiro Mori was elected as the new chairman of the LDP. He formed a government with representatives from the LDP, the New Komeito, and the New Conservative Party (a split from the Liberal Party).

Mori represented the national conservative wing of the LDP. In May 2000, speaking to Shinto members of parliament, he declared that Japan was "God's chosen country, with the emperor at its center." Opponents at home and critics abroad accused him of intending to revise the post-war constitution. Faced with criticism, the prime minister dissolved parliament and called early elections.

In June 2000, the ruling coalition won elections to the lower house of parliament: the LDP won 238 out of 480 seats, the New Komeito 31, and the New Conservative Party 7 seats. The largest opposition party was the Democratic Party (127 seats), 20 mandates went to the Communists, 19 to the Social Democrats.

Contrary to the demands of Japanese and foreign economic and financial circles, Mori refused to carry out far-reaching liberalization of the country's economy. With unemployment rising to almost 5%, the cabinet adopted an emergency employment program in May 2000: it was supposed to create 350,000 new jobs.

Faced with growing unpopularity, Mori was forced to agree to an early election for the chairman of the LDP, which was unexpectedly won by Junichiro Koizumi, who promised economic and political reforms. April 26, 2001 Koizumi took over as Prime Minister of Japan, heading a three-party coalition government.

Koizumi was born on January 8, 1942 in Yokosuka to the director general of the Defense Agency. He studied at the higher school of his native city, studied economics at the University of Keio, then studied at the London School of Economics and University College in the British capital, and in 1969, after the death of his father, he returned to Japan. In December 1972, Koizumi was elected to the lower house of parliament from the ruling LDP and has since been re-elected 10 times. In 1979 he became the Parliamentary Vice Minister for Finance, in 1988-1989 he was Minister of Health and Social Affairs, in 1992 - Minister of Posts and Telecommunications, in 1996-1998 - again Minister of Health and Social Affairs. In 1995 and 1999, he unsuccessfully ran for the presidency of the LDP.

Koizumi assumed the post of head of government, enjoying wide popularity in society. They called him "Lionheart". In July 2001, his coalition won 78 out of 121 seats in the upper house of parliament that were up for re-election. Koizumi put forward a plan for reform: improving the economy and finances, privatizing the postal savings system, and reorganizing the internal party structure of the LDP. He urged the population to experience shock therapy in the name of a better future. The head of the cabinet entrusted the reform of the banking sector to the economist Heizo Takenaka. The government managed to sharply reduce the debt of Japanese banks, achieve a resumption of economic growth and a recovery in stock prices. The "old guard" of the LDP and the state apparatus strongly resisted the reforms.

Japan's foreign policy under the Koizumi government has not changed dramatically, but neighboring states generally consider it to be tougher. Discontent in China and Korea was caused by the visit of the Japanese Prime Minister on August 13, 2001 to the Yasukuni Shrine, which is considered a symbol of Japanese militarism (it worships, in particular, the memory of Japanese servicemen who died during World War II and military and state leaders who were executed in 1948 as soldiers criminals). The Prime Minister agreed to increase the Japanese army - the Self-Defense Forces, and in October 2001 the possibility of their wider use outside Japan was approved. Relations with South Korea developed more positively, helped by the successful performance of both teams at the World Cup in 2002. In 2003, the Koizumi government approved the invasion of Iraq, organized by the United States and its allies. The Japanese contingent became part of the occupying forces.

Japan has become more actively interested in events taking place in other regions of the planet. It has expanded ties with the Near and Middle East, from where it gets most of the oil it needs. The country provides significant assistance to development projects in Africa and Latin America.

In September 2003, Koizumi was re-elected chairman of the LDP, and then dissolved the lower house of parliament and scheduled early elections for November. The election campaign focused on economic development, government reform plans pension system, support for US action in Iraq, relations with North Korea, and intentions to privatize postal services and highways in the Tokyo area. The Democratic Party criticized the reforms proposed by Koizumi, the government's slowness in making the necessary changes, and the cabinet's stance on the Iraq issue.

The Liberal Democrats have been able to build on traditional support among older voters and rural residents, in no small part because of the government's agricultural subsidies. The opposition Democratic Party was sympathized, first of all, by younger voters and urban residents. Overall, the Democrats received more votes than the LDP (37% and 35%, respectively), but due to the peculiarities of the electoral system, the ruling party secured 237 seats out of 480 in the lower house, and the DP 177 seats. The majority of the LDP was provided by its allies: the New Komeito (15% of the vote and 34 mandates) and the New Conservative Party (4 mandates), which soon merged into the LDP. The left-wing parties were unsuccessful in the elections: the communists collected 8% of the vote and won only 9 seats. The Social Democrats were supported by 5% of voters who voted. They were content with 6 seats in the lower house.

Koizumi's conservative critics from within his own party attributed the poor election results to growing disillusionment among traditional voters and the Liberal Democrats' dependence on their coalition partners. They fear that after the elections this dependence will increase even more.

After the elections, Koizumi's cabinet remained in power and continued its previous policies, achieving significant GDP growth in 2004. The Prime Minister appointed Takenaka Minister for Postal Reform, entrusting him with the implementation of the privatization of the postal savings system. The government's proposals for a tax reform that includes cuts pension payments, drastically reduced Koizumi's popularity. In the elections to the upper house of parliament in July 2004, the ruling LDP was defeated, collecting only 30% of the vote, while the opposition Democratic Party was supported by almost 38% of voters. At present, the government coalition has 138 out of 247 seats in the House of Councilors (LDP - 114, New Komeito - 24), the Democratic Party - 79, the Communists - 9 and the Social Democrats - 8 mandates.

On January 1, 2004, Koizumi made his fourth visit to Yasukuni Shrine, prompting protests from Japan's neighbors, primarily China, North and South Korea, and the Philippines, who perceive this gesture as a glorification of Japanese militarism. For the same reason, the dispatch of Japanese military forces to Iraq has been criticized. The country's government insists, however, that Japan's forces in Iraq will only have to assist in its reconstruction and humanitarian assistance.

A new deterioration in relations between Japan and China occurred in 2005, when the Koizumi government openly supported the US for the first time on the issue of Taiwan, the Japanese premier revisited the Yasukuni Shrine, and a new history textbook was published in Japan that China believes justifies Japanese aggression in 1930–1940s. The Chinese authorities are also dissatisfied with Japan's intention to obtain the status of a permanent member of the UN Security Council and to create its own missile defense system with the help of the United States.

In April 2005, a history textbook was published in Japan justifying the Japanese aggression in the 1930s and 1940s. In response, a wave of thousands of anti-Japanese protests swept across China. During them, significant damage was inflicted on Japanese companies and diplomatic missions in 11 largest cities China. The Chinese authorities refused to apologize. However, the leaders of both countries, having met at the Afro-Asian conference in Jakarta, expressed their readiness to overcome differences, and Koizumi apologized to all forum participants for the suffering that his country caused to many peoples "during the years of colonial rule and aggression." In May, a new diplomatic row erupted when the Vice Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China abruptly cut short her visit to Japan, refusing to meet with the Japanese premier because of his intention to revisit Yasukuni Shrine.

Relations between Japan and China are complicated by a territorial dispute over the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea, which are claimed by Japan, China and Taiwan. After significant reserves of natural gas were discovered in the uninhabited archipelago, China in 2003 set up a platform near the sea border with Japanese waters and started drilling, which caused discontent on the part of the Japanese side. In 2004, a small Chinese landing force landed on the islands themselves, but they were expelled by the arriving Japanese police. In October of the same year, both countries agreed to resolve all issues exclusively through negotiations, without resorting to the use of force. However, China rejected the demands of the Japanese side to acquaint it with plans for drilling and gas production at Senkaku. In April 2005, the Japanese government decided to start considering applications from Japanese companies for issuing licenses for gas production on the shelf of the archipelago. China called the decision "one-sided and provocative." New negotiations in June 2005 did not produce results. China refused to stop gas production from the shelf on the border between Chinese and Japanese waters and again rejected the request of the Japanese side to provide it with information about the work on the shelf. Japan agreed to consider a Chinese proposal to jointly develop the field.

The development of relations between Japan and Russia is hampered by a territorial dispute between both countries over the four southern Kuril Islands, which were ceded to the USSR in 1945. Japan does not recognize their loss and demands the return of the "Northern Territories". This problem still prevents the conclusion of a formal peace treaty. At the same time, territorial disputes do not prevent intensive economic and political Russian-Japanese ties. Japan has ensured that the planned "Eastern oil pipeline" from Eastern Siberia to the Far East will end on the Russian coast of the Pacific Ocean, and not at the Chinese border.

On September 26, 2006, Shinzo Abe, the 52-year-old leader of the ruling Liberal Democratic Party of Japan, was elected as the new prime minister in a vote in parliament, where the Liberal Democrats won a majority in both chambers. He replaced Junichiro Koizumi at this post. Despite his great popularity, Koizumi did not put forward his candidacy for the election of the leader of the ruling party, as this is prohibited by the LDP charter.

September 12, 2007 S. Abe decided to resign from the post of prime minister. He was forced to leave due to a series of corruption scandals surrounding the ruling Liberal Democratic Party, which was defeated in the July 2007 elections, and a tough standoff with the opposition Democratic Party. The rating of the cabinet, and with it the party that formed its backbone, fell sharply.

The formal reason was the impossibility of extending the term of the special Law on Combating Terrorism, which expires on November 1, 2007, since the opposition demanded to refuse assistance to the anti-Taliban coalition in Afghanistan.

National features

Shinto temples in this country have about 109 million parishioners (Shintoism is a religious trend in which there are about 200 directions). Buddhist - 96 million adherents. Christian parishes - approximately 1.5 million people. About 1.1 million people unite various sects of a mixed type.

Dishes, table setting and decoration of dishes are of great importance. Before eating, it is customary to wipe the face and hands with a special hot oshibori napkin. Each dish is served in dishes specially designed for it and occupies a strictly defined place on the table, and an individual table is allocated for each person.

There is no change of dishes, the entire order (except tea) is put on the table at once, but is accompanied by obligatory devices for heating (braziers, alcohol stoves) or combining dishes (separate gravy boats, sets with spices, etc.) Dishes and serving items are strictly divided into “ male" and "female".

There is a separate stand for chopsticks (“hashi” or “hashi”), and they are served in a special colorful paper case (“hashi bukuro”). "Hashi" should not be crossed or stuck in rice (associated with death), you should not point with chopsticks at anything or wave them while eating - this is considered a sign of bad taste. Also, do not move food on a plate or dishes on the table.

Drinking "to the bottom" and pouring yourself is not accepted. It is recommended to fill a neighbor's glass or bowl, and he, in turn, should do the same for you.

The number of traditions and rituals that are obligatory or recommended for observance is simply huge. Almost all spheres of the country's life are permeated with a network of traditions and ceremonies, this is especially noticeable in communication between people and in public life. The Japanese treat nature with care and love, admiring the natural beauty of the landscape, weather, flowers or the sea. Numerous ceremonies of contemplation of flowering trees, the full moon or autumn colors are integral elements of society.

Handshakes are not accepted, they are replaced by bows, and "return" bows are required with the same frequency and deference shown by the other side. The Japanese are polite and helpful in communication. Hospitality is in the blood of the Japanese. A direct refusal is not accepted even if it is impossible to fulfill the request, so you should think in advance about the feasibility of your wishes. Also often misleading is the traditional smile of the Japanese, especially women, under any circumstances - even a refusal or some unpleasant moment will be accompanied by a smile, which confuses many foreigners. At the same time, “familiar” relations (even too small a distance between the interlocutors) are completely unacceptable and cause a sharply negative attitude among the Japanese.

The traditional Japanese costume, the national interior, the literary Japanese language, the tea ceremony, the kabuki, no, bunraku theater and many other, no less peculiar traditions have been preserved almost unchanged since the Middle Ages. And all this - surrounded by ultra-modern technogenic civilization!

Holidays

2nd Monday of January - Coming of Age Day ("Seijin-no-hi")

2nd Monday of October – Health and Sports Day

480 rub. | 150 UAH | $7.5 ", MOUSEOFF, FGCOLOR, "#FFFFCC",BGCOLOR, "#393939");" onMouseOut="return nd();"> Thesis - 480 rubles, shipping 10 minutes 24 hours a day, seven days a week and holidays

Sagoyan Karina Pavlovna. Japan's foreign policy of the late XX - early XXI century: 23.00.04 Sagoyan, Karina Pavlovna Japan's foreign policy of the late XX - early XXI century (global and regional aspects): Dis.... kand. ... cand. polit. Sciences: 23.00.04 Moscow, 2006 159 p. RSL OD, 61:06-23/361

Introduction

Chapter 1. Global and Regional Conditions of Japan's Foreign Policy .

1.1. Global changes and their reflection in the activities of Japan in the international arena 13

1.2. Regional aspects of the changing role of Japan in international politics 40

Chapter 2 Japan's foreign policy potential

2.1. Features of Japan's foreign economic policy 65

2.2. Changes in security policy and foreign policy objectives 88

2.3 Russian-Japanese Relations as a Resource for Complementary Development 122

Conclusion 137

Bibliography 143

Introduction to work

Relevance of the research topic. Despite the fact that Japan is one of the neighboring states of Russia, the features of its foreign policy remain relatively little studied in our country. Meanwhile, the absence of a peace treaty between the two states, the unresolved problem of the Kuril Islands, on the one hand, and, on the other hand, the growing mutual objective interest in partnering with each other, give the study of Japan's foreign policy particular importance both in theoretical and practical terms. .

With its huge economic potential, Japan is not a leading political power in the region, which objectively sets it the task of establishing partnerships with regional powers, including - and not least - with the Russian Federation. This is equally important for both Japan and Russia.

The gap between the economic successes of post-war Japan, associated with the organic combination of traditional economic elements and Western innovations, on the one hand, and its “secondary” role in world politics due to dependence on the United States, on the other, is increasingly weighing on the Japanese. The recent changes in Japan's foreign policy (steps towards changing the Constitution, striving for membership in the UN Security Council) speak of its desire to change its political image, to abandon unilateral Americanization, which has gone too far. However, a new acquisition of the geopolitical independence of this country in the current global balance of power seems unlikely.

Japan's claims to sole leadership in East Asia (or, more correctly, to partnership with a decisive vote), as Russian scholars of Japanese studies note, are already irreversibly untenable, although Japan retains an overwhelming economic power compared to other countries in the region. The previously established Japanese-centric model of economic interdependence in East Asia will continue to erode, so Japan will be forced to share the burden of leadership with China in a general atmosphere of "partnership in competition." Moreover, in the future, the energy of regional integration will increasingly be concentrated around China, which will be able to gradually win back positions from Japan and become the hegemon in East Asia 1 .

The above circumstances cannot but affect the perception of Japan by many Asian states, who see it as excessively imitative of the West and not inclined to join them in challenging Western policies, especially in the field of human rights. It can be said that, in general, Japan is perceived by many countries of the region not as a truly Asian country, but as a representative of the West in the East.

At the same time, Japan can try to acquire the status of one of the global leaders through active participation in peacekeeping operations based on the advantages of the US-Japanese military alliance and successful economic development.

In the regional dimension, more multilateral Asia-Pacific cooperation is in Japan's interests. Such cooperation could, over time, have three positive consequences: influence China and carefully contain it,

See Zaitseva V.K. Japan in the system foreign economic relations East Asia. // East Asia between regionalism and globalism. M., 2004, pp. 56 - 57.

help the US "remain" in Asia, even despite the gradual weakening of its dominance, soften anti-Japanese sentiment in the region and thereby increase Japan's influence.

Among the world centers of power, Japan remains the most closed and least globalized country. Therefore, the problem of transformation and adaptation of the economic mechanism of Japan to the conditions global economy can be called the core problem of Japanese foreign economic and foreign policy activities.

The object of the dissertation research- Japan's foreign policy in the changing international relations of the late 20th - early 20th century.

Subject of study- the conditions and resources of the Japanese strategy for raising the status of the country in the global and regional dimensions.

Purpose of the study- to identify the possibilities and limits of the efforts of the Japanese leadership to enhance the role and place of the country in the world community and in the security policy of the Asia-Pacific region.

Based on the goal, the following tasks are solved in the dissertation:

Analyze changes in the international situation in
global and regional levels and their reflection in the Japanese foreign
politics;

consider the dialectical nature of globalization in interstate and transnational forms as a factor in the formation of foreign policy strategy in modern conditions;

Show new security threats and challenges in the region,
forcing Japan to transform its foreign policy;

To identify the features of Japan's foreign economic policy in
present stage, including foreign economic openness,
foreign trade and investment policy, affecting
foreign policy potential of the country;

analyze the foreign policy tasks of Japanese diplomacy in the context of its allied relations with the United States,

To reveal the possibilities and ways of cooperation between Russia and Japan
as a resource for complementary development and strengthening security
region.

The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that it:

a comprehensive analysis of the foreign policy and foreign economic strategy of Japan was carried out;

analyzes the possibilities for Japan to enter new positions in the region through cooperation with the United States and taking into account the rising role of China and India;

Global changes and their reflection in the activities of Japan in the international arena

The end of the 20th - the beginning of the 21st centuries in the history of mankind were marked by profound changes in the world economy, politics, culture, in the entire world order. Almost all countries and peoples have been drawn into the process of globalization to one degree or another, in one role or another. Of course, Japan did not stand aside either, which, like many other countries, is looking for its place in the globalized world, which is also associated with a deep rethinking of its role in world politics and international relations.

Japan continues to search for the new role that the country should master in order not to become a victim of global integration, as happened in the 1990s, when the USSR ceased to pose a direct threat (real or imaginary) to developed countries and when the interests of the economy in international relations were recognized as prevailing over the military-political ones.

In the context of accelerating globalization and the development of liberalism imposed by America on the whole world as an ideology of prosperity, uncompromising global competition contributed to the strategic success of the most developed country in the world - the United States, leading in the creation of new technological principles, management technologies, consciousness formation technologies. Opening national economy, entry into the global market banking services on the terms of liberalism, i.e. sudden subjugation of the national banking system alien to her rules of the game had contradictory consequences for the Japanese economy. The national specificity of the country has become a source of weakness for it, because. reserves of Japanese banks for the world market turned out to be low. Japanese banks, like the economy as a whole, operated with a minimum level of reserves, sufficient given the business culture of Japan and government assistance.

Globalization is thus not a universal recipe for prosperity. That is why regional integration is developing, aimed at turning entire regions into US competitors, which we will talk about a little later, after clarifying the essence of globalization. Globalization as a process and trend of world development, as a scientific category is so complex, deep and multifaceted that it does not yet have a clear and comprehensive definition. Despite the obvious disagreement in the interpretation of the concept of globalization, - writes the Russian researcher A. El'yanov, - no one disputes that it is initially aimed at maximizing the economic, scientific, technical and cultural interaction of various countries, regardless of their civilizational affiliation, level of development and location. This interaction carries a certain integrating principle. Globalization appears to be a product of the information and communication revolution, which facilitates and accelerates the expansion of technogenic civilization. In the first approximation, A. El'yanov believes, the globalization of the economy can be defined as diversification, expansion, deepening and compaction of the entire system of transnational economic and cultural ties, which ultimately gives them a planetary, global dimension7.

In the scientific literature, the term "globalization" is most often used in relation to the 80-90s of the 20th century, meaning that during this period the transformation of the world into a single whole turned into some new quality. But the nature of this “quality” is defined by researchers in different ways. At the same time, many of the interpretations and definitions do not contradict, but rather complement each other, marking various aspects and aspects of the complex process of globalization. For example, L.A. Friedman sees the essence of globalization in the fact that “for the first time in the history of mankind, the flows of information, goods and services, and to some extent people, cover the whole world with ever increasing speed”8. Russian economist V.A. Melyantsev, considering globalization in the context of the growth dynamics of the world economy, connects the phenomenon of globalization of the world economy with the fact that now the leading role in economic development more and more countries and peoples began to play not so much national-country, as international factors9. This does not exclude the contradictions of the new state of the world economy for different groups of countries. Melyantsev concludes that “stagnation in Japan, slow pace of technological renewal in the EU, speculative hype on stock markets The United States is the most important manifestation and component of an extremely contradictory growth process in the context of the transition from an industrial to a post-industrial, globalized economy”10.

The issues of differentiation between the concepts of globalization and internationalization are also widely discussed in the works of domestic scientists. Thus, the prominent Russian Japanologist V.B. Ramses points out the qualitative differences between internationalization and globalization. Globalization, in his opinion, “looks more like a category - a competitor of internationalization, somewhere, perhaps, its antithesis than its logical continuation, development, although visual manifestations of the globalization process ... take place in the course of internationalization, which, by the way, stands out speaking, a pronounced increase in the interdependence of various states.

The well-known scientist A. El'yanov believes that globalization should be considered as some additional, purely modern form of manifestation of the same phenomenon, the essence of which most adequately expresses the concept of world integrating development (WORLD), introduced into scientific circulation by A. Solonitsky. According to A. El'yanov, globalization does not replace or cancel internationalization, but occurs along with and simultaneously with it, increasing the channels, forms and methods of world economic and accompanying cultural integration of countries belonging to different civilizational areas and at different levels of socio-economic maturity. .

Regional aspects of the changing role of Japan in international politics

Regional aspects of the changing role of Japan in international politics and the need to act in it as a sovereign state suggest the need to take into account the axial directions of multilateral interstate relations in the Asia-Pacific region with the participation of the "Land of the Rising Sun". Of paramount importance here are the features of US foreign policy in connection with the rise of China, the rapprochement between Russia and China, as well as the complication of relations around the Korean Peninsula, especially since, relatively speaking, China and Russia are behind North Korea, and the USA and Japan are behind the Republic of Korea. . Under these conditions, Japan, under pressure from the United States and strict demands from the United States, is forced to respond to external factors, maneuvering between the desire to maintain close ties with America and its own understanding of its state interest.

Japan's dual post-war position on the world stage influences the formation of its own state interest. On the one hand, a militarized samurai power before World War II, and on the other, a country that was defeated after it and is entirely in the orbit of US interests.

The position and awareness of the disadvantaged country in the international arena leads the Japanese to the idea of ​​the need for "legitimate" possession of their own armed forces and the right to freely dispose of them. Hence the idea of ​​revising the Constitution. This is a serious question that fits into the problems of Japan's foreign policy strategy, which will be discussed in the second paragraph of the second chapter of the dissertation.

While taking steps to raise its independent status in international relations, Japan at the same time considers relations with the United States to be the axis of its diplomacy and foreign policy.

N. Matimura in his book "The Logic of a Conservative" states with regret that in the conditions of the first decisive military defeat in Japanese history, and then a long cold war, Japan concentrated all its energy on economic development. In international relations, she relied on America, not allowing her to go beyond the framework of American politics. Post-war Japan, following the constitution, sought to place the responsibility for its security on the United States, remaining a country with little political weight.

The primary attention of the Japanese to American foreign policy is also due to the fact that significant changes are observed in the Asian foreign policy of the United States. With the rise of China's power, the United States has increased interest in the Asian region. Secondly, there are calls for Japan to build relations with the United States in the manner of the American-British ones, not to entrust America with ensuring its own security, to become an independent country, to recognize its “right to collective defense”38.

Having set a course for containment of China, the United States began to revise its former military-political structure in the region. The American-Japanese military alliance was separated from the multilateral system of alliances between the United States and the countries of the region. Today, the role of India and Vietnam is growing significantly in the US security strategy in the region. Of course, neither Vietnam nor India will become in status the same military allies of Washington as Japan, and these countries themselves will not agree to too close an alliance with the United States. But in order to contain China, the US assumes and implements the expansion of ties with these states in the military sphere.

India's new role was formalized in the National Security Strategy released in 2002. It notes that “the United States has undertaken a fundamental review of its relationship with India, convinced that a close relationship with India is in the American national interest” and, despite the persistence of differences, including over nuclear programs, today the United States perceives India as a rising global power with which the United States shares strategic interests.

The strategic importance of India's location in the center of Asia, next to busy sea lanes linking the Middle East and East Asia, makes this country particularly attractive. This aspect inevitably affects Japan's foreign policy strategy and is reflected in it, since future problems in the Asian region will certainly differ from today's ones, and Japan is already thinking about new allies and friends today.

Having set a course for the forceful containment of China, the United States in its strategy of creating a new military-political structure in the region assigns a large role to Vietnam. It takes into account that Vietnam is one of the largest states in Asia, that Vietnam has complex relations with China, that there are no ethnic Chinese in Vietnam who have a noticeable influence on the political and economic development other countries of Southeast Asia. In the event of a serious conflict with China, Vietnam, as an ally of the United States, could divert a significant part of the Chinese armed forces. During the aggravation of relations with Hanoi in the 80s, China was forced to keep about 400 thousand of its soldiers on the Sino-Vietnamese border.

However, it can hardly be assumed that in expanding its military and political allies in the Asian region, the US will reduce or lessen the pressure on Japan. The well-known Japanese economist H. Takenake41 writes that the pressure from the United States was detrimental to the Japanese people. But even if external pressure turns out to be good, it remains foreign pressure. Ultimately, American pressure is not in the interests of Japan, it is convenient for the Americans themselves. In their policy, great states, X. Takenake believes, use double standarts. Japan also, based on the understanding of its own interest, "in further relations with America requires double standards, the construction of a policy that takes into account the specific situation"42.

Features of Japan's foreign economic policy

Compared to other economically developed countries - the US, EU countries and even China - Japan remains the most closed and least globalized country. According to a number of parameters, the geopolitical position of Japan cannot be classified as favorable for the development of a free market competition. First of all, this is a high population density, concentrated on very narrow strips of land suitable for economic use, with an extremely low endowment with natural resources, especially minerals.

Japan, later than other industrial countries, embarked on the path of development and was forced to catch up with the developed capitalist countries for a long time, and at the initial stages - during the Meiji period - under the conditions of unequal trade agreements imposed on it by force. In the initial period of his industrial development Japan was, as it were, on the outskirts of the world economy. After the Second World War, the country, which had experienced a terrible moral shock after the atomic bombings, lay in ruins and was occupied by a foreign army. The loss of the colonies, especially Manchuria and Korea, where a significant part of Japan's production potential was concentrated and where there were significant mineral resources, including energy carriers, also had very negative economic consequences.

That is why the problem of transformation and adaptation of the economic mechanism of Japan to the conditions of the global economy arises. The reasons for this phenomenon should be sought in the peculiarities of the post-war development of the country and, in a narrower sense, in the peculiarities of its participation in the international division of labor.

Japan integrated into the world economy gradually, throughout the entire post-war period. Once the industrial capacity for competitive exports was built and trade deficits a thing of the past, exports became an important pillar of a country's economic growth.

In the 1980s, about a third of Japan's real GDP growth came from merchandise exports. By this time, the currency-licensing control over imports was abolished, restrictions were lifted on the inflow of foreign capital, and then on the export of capital abroad.

During these years, the Japanese government recognized that the trade surplus was the result of a structural imbalance in the economy, which was too export-oriented. In addition, during these years, a huge positive balance in trade with the United States and European countries has become a source of acute conflicts and a key issue in interstate relations.

In response to the current situation, in the 1990s, the Japanese government announced a new medium-term foreign economic strategy formulated in the report of a government commission headed by the governor of the Bank of Japan, H. Maekawa (this strategy was called the "Maekawa plan"). The "plan" provided for switching the economy from external to domestic demand, encouragement of imports (in particular, benefits for importers were introduced), including the import consumer goods. Most of the protectionist restrictions on imports have been eliminated.

It should be noted that in Japan there are no official doctrines of foreign economic policy in the generally accepted sense of the word, i. some guidelines that must be followed by all subjects of international economic relations(government, local authorities, non-governmental organizations, corporations, individuals, etc.). To some extent, one can speak of an official foreign economic course only in relation to the sphere of the state's direct responsibility (international economic agreements, the country's participation in international economic organizations, official development assistance). These documents are developed from time to time. government bodies countries and are associated, as a rule, with the emergence of a new prime minister ("Miyazawa Doctrine", "Hashimoto's Eurasian Diplomacy", "Koizumi's New Asian Policy").

As for the main non-state actors modern foreign economic relations - private firms - then there is no need to talk about some kind of unified strategy. The interests of various groups of companies (export-oriented and working mainly for the domestic market, high-tech and traditional, having production abroad and not having it, participating in international network structures and not participating) are too specific, and sometimes even directly opposed.

However, amid economic turmoil recent years In the political and business circles of Japan, there was an awareness of the need to develop a new strategic plan for Japan's behavior in the 21st century, which would meet the changing geopolitical and geo-economic realities, as well as identify the perceived threats and challenges73.

In 1997, under the auspices of the Committee for Economic Forecasting of the Economic Council of Japan, a special group was established to study the positive and negative effects on the Japanese economy74, which in April of that year prepared a special report. A similar document was developed by the Globalization Committee of the Economic Council of Japan in 1999. In January 2000, the report "Japan's Goals in the 21st Century" appeared, covering all areas international relations and formulated long-term economic interests Japan in East Asia, as discussed below75.

Changes in security policy and foreign policy objectives

The considered positions of Japan's foreign economic policy and domestic economic processes, reflected in the foreign policy line, led Japan to revise some foreign policy guidelines aimed primarily at the rise of Japan and strengthening its authority in the new geopolitical situation.

As a result of the military defeat, Japan's foreign policy was totally compromised. Along with ensuring successful economic recovery and development, rehabilitating Japan's foreign policy has become a top priority.

Since the 1950s, Japan's foreign policy has been based on the Yoshida Doctrine (former Prime Minister of Japan), the essence of which is defined in economic terms. This is a policy of economic nationalism (sometimes called practical nationalism) aimed at developing the Japanese economy under the US nuclear umbrella.

The general implication of the doctrine is that Japan was mainly busy with its economy, not paying serious attention to the struggle between the two systems, the strategic confrontation between the US and the USSR. The Yoshida Doctrine absorbed all the components of the classical version of the security doctrine: economic, political and military. The latter was provided not only by the Security Treaty with the United States, but also by Japan's own armed forces, which the Japanese themselves call self-defense forces, plus the presence of American armed bases in the country.

In the early 1970s, events took place that made adjustments to Japan's foreign policy. This is, firstly, the defeat of the United States in Vietnam; Secondly, economic success Japan - it took second place in the capitalist world in terms of GNP; thirdly, détente began in Soviet-American relations. The Yoshida Doctrine Transformed into a Classical Doctrine national interests, usually consisting of such components as intra-social and foreign policy. In the Japanese version, these components sounded like this: public security, peace and stability throughout the world.

In the early 1970s, in the bowels of the country's political establishment, the idea arose that it was necessary to conduct a foreign policy in accordance with its economic potential. Having arisen as an idea, it turned into a doctrine due to its theoretical complexity106. This doctrine consists of three parts: the first is to promote the stability of market democracies in the world; the second is to ensure a strategic balance of power between capitalism and socialism; the third is a contribution to stable economic and political relations between North and South, especially in Asia.

In the 1990s, with the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, the geostrategic situation around Japan became more complicated and the usual foreign policy ideas had to be rebuilt. “The irony is that the end of the Cold War increased the degree of instability in the Asia-Pacific region.” 7 All the old threats persisted, while new ones began to emerge. Among them - firstly, the reduction of the US military presence in the region, secondly, the future behavior of China, and thirdly, Japan's intention to become a military power.

With the formation of R. Hashimoto's government (in January 1996), Japan's foreign policy began to acquire a certain integrity. Summarizing the speeches of R. Hashimoto and Foreign Minister Y. Ikeda gives the following picture of the Japanese version of national interests: “First of all, Japan's foreign policy is based on such fundamental values ​​and ideals as freedom, democracy and the market. The main goal of Japan's foreign policy is to play a creative role in creating a new international order» ,09.

After surrendering as a result of the defeat in the Second World War, Japan had to re-create its foreign policy, retaining the key institutions of the state and the political elite. It was this that enabled Japan to endure military defeat and the inevitable chaos of the first post-war years more easily than could be expected, and to restore the nation's spiritual balance faster than post-war Germany. At the same time, while maintaining, as far as possible, continuity with the old state, Japan was unable to fully honestly comprehend and condemn its imperial past. Unlike Germany, in Japan, conditions have never arisen that could induce post-war generations to be horrified by what they did during the war years, to experience sincere repentance for the crimes committed by the Japanese. And that is why Japan has remained a stranger to the vast majority of Asian countries.

Suvalov Alexander Evgenievich

This article provides an analysis of the document “Internal Boundary. Japan's Goals in the 21st Century.

The introductory section of the document is titled "Realizing Japan's Potential":

We Japanese have not participated in discussions about national aspirations for a long time. During this time, the opinion has developed that discussions about the goals or the image of the nation are somewhat confused and old-fashioned. Apathy, boredom, distrust of politicians and bureaucracy prevailed. Criticism of the policy came from the National Parliament, the media, and anyone else who felt like it, but few constructive suggestions were made, partly because the government did not release enough information to enable the people to formulate such proposals. This removed the public from issues of a national character and prevented serious discussion of national goals and aspirations.

Rather, it is not that the government did not provide the public with the necessary information, but that the people who make up the public are engaged in different areas of society and communicate with each other. Therefore, they (according to the principle illustrated by the Garden of 15 Rocks) collectively know the situation better than the government. But if there is a spirit of loyalty or dependency in relation to the state in society, then society attributes such tasks as putting forward constructive proposals exclusively to the competence of the state, and not to the competence of the citizens of this state personally and public initiative organizations. Those. the public withdrew itself from solving problems of a national nature.

By presenting our thoughts on Japan's goals in the 21st century, we hope to break this inertia. In this report, we will discuss Japan's aspirations, expressing our hopes and our determination to do what needs to be done. Armed with the question of Japan's goals in the twenty-first century, we will propose several principles and policy options.

We share the view that urgent action is needed. We fear that by leaving things as they are, Japan is headed for decline. Such is the situation both around Japan and within itself.

Those. development based on the assimilation of the achievements of the culture of the Western regional civilization, stemming from the biblical concept of management - (which way Japan has been going since the middle of the 19th century) - has exhausted itself: there is no potential for further development, there are only aggravating problems caused by the adoption of certain elements of the way of life of the West. And this state of affairs does not suit the ruling "elite" of Japan. In contrast to it, the most active part of the Russian “elite”, due to the perversion of the mind, by factual education of the Western type, seeks to aggravate the problems generated by the way of life of the Western regional civilization, this is typical both for the liberal part of the “elite”, and for all applicants for its place - biblical Orthodox "patriotic" party and other opposition with its various "dummy" projects.

In the 1990s, many Japanese expressed concern that something in the structure of the nation was undergoing a major change. They feared that the "soap bubbles" of the economy of the late eighties and the bursting of these bubbles in the early nineties undermined not only the economy, but also political structure, society, and even the value system and ethical norms that lie at the very foundation of the nation.

This is one of the direct results of borrowing Western ways of organizing the self-regulation of the macroeconomic system of society.

Throughout our history of living in scarce and harsh environments, we have cultivated ethical standards that praise social and organizational harmony. However, socio-economic abundance and internationalization made it difficult to keep these ethical standards unchanged. And so in the nineties, before a consensus on an ethical system appropriate to an affluent society could be reached, Japan faced a major hurdle and entered the era of globalization.

The era of globalization for Japan, of course, began much earlier. But the most significant impact of Western-style globalization processes on Japanese society was expressed in the second half of the 20th century in the destruction of the ethical culture of Japan, developed over the centuries, focused on harmonizing the relationship of people in society as an integral organism. The next paragraph of the document is an illustration of this statement.

In addition, the Great Khanshin-Awaji Earthquake that occurred in January 1995 was a strong shock. The inability of the government (both central and local) to manage crisis, inefficiency and irresponsibility has left the public in a state of intense concern about the government's ability to protect the lives and property of citizens. This was followed by a series of disheartening incidents, including the Aum Senrikyo gas attack on the Tokyo subway (in March 1995), the murder of a small boy by a fourteen-year-old teenager, and the attack on other children, one of them fatal (in 1997). All this left people under the impression that the main attributes of Japanese society, which they were proud of - family solidarity, the quality of education (especially primary and secondary), social stability and security - were crumbling. It can be said that these episodes revealed the vulnerability and inflexibility of the Japanese economy and Japanese society. Perhaps all this was the price of success.

Yes it is. But this is not a “price of success”, but a retribution for the uncritical adoption of elements of the way of life of the West - the biblical regional civilization.

After World War II, Japan made a seemingly amazing recovery, achieved amazing growth, quickly joined the category of economically developed countries and became a member of the Western camp. Japan has been able to achieve and maintain peace, stability and prosperity. In general, the Japanese remember post-war period as a success story. Political, economic and social systems, created then, were also perceived as components of a successful model. It cannot be denied that they have contributed to political and social stability. However, this successful post-war model—or, more accurately, the unquestioning belief in that model—has sapped Japan's vitality for the moment.

A significant recognition, and made not against the backdrop of economic devastation, similar to the one that takes place in Russia, but against the backdrop of a successful manufacturing economy in the opinion of the majority of non-Japanese, including Russian citizens, and above all, consumers of Japanese products: cars, ships, electronics, etc.

Many of the property rights and social conventions established in the post-war period made Japan's economy and society austere and obsolete. This "catch and overtake" model has been followed not only in the post-war period, but all the time since the Meiji era.

Those. long before the outbreak of World War II of the 20th century. "Meiji" ("meiji") - in Japanese "enlightened rule", the official name in the history of Japan during the reign (since 1868) of Emperor Mutsuhito (headed the state from 1867 to 1912)

Now Japan has to find a better model. But the world no longer offers ready-made models. The time when answers could be taken from outside is over.

Development based on the principles of civilization building of the West, which during the last third of the 20th century was perceived by many people in almost all countries as the undisputed leader of mankind, is the path to the catastrophe of the current global civilization. Those. it is necessary to change the principles of global civilization building, which essentially means a change in the concept of organizing the life of society - its culture and economy.

Most societies face the same challenge. Globalization, which is expected to sweep the world in the twenty-first century, will bring great benefits, but also great challenges, as it poses this challenge to every country.

This phrase needs to be clarified, since it elevates globalization based on the principles of civilization building of the Western regional civilization to the rank of an uncontested objective reality, to which one has to adapt in some way.

No doubt countries will respond in a variety of ways.

This implies the multivariance of the possibilities of globalization, although in reality only one variant will be implemented.

The same can be said about the aging of society. Japan will face this challenge before any other country in the world. The whole world is watching how Japan is going to handle this.

Japan does not have a ready-made model that it can immediately use. By studying examples from all over the world, we must find a solution to such problems within Japan.

Thus, it is especially important to uncover hidden talents and potentials within Japan. This is the key to Japan's future."

This is the main starting principle of Japan's long-term policy expressed in the document under consideration.

There is another issue that we need to think about. In the world of the twenty-first century, individuality will be incomparably more powerful than ever."

In Russian, this is expressed in the words: the significance of every personality in future history will increase. At the same time, it must be remembered that the position obliges. Those who think that the position of any representative of the Homo sapiens species in the Earth's biosphere personally does not oblige him to anything will die out.

Internet gives ordinary people easy access to the resources of the whole world. Besides, non-profit organizations and volunteer activities have expanded the scope of people's activities. Diverse networks increase individual abilities. Increasingly common is the "increase in powers" of the individual.

But the main thing in this process is not the Internet: as S. Lem noted, “95% of the information on the Internet is rubbish”; and the remaining 5% in this rubbish still needs to be found and correctly comprehended, which requires methodological education, about which there is not a word in the document under consideration. The main thing is methodological education and psychological practices that open up the possibility of direct mental (ie, biofield) influence of people on the World.

The maximum development of this ability is very important. At the same time, these abilities can be used to revitalize government and society. It is important that the synergy of networks not only expand the private sphere, but also strengthen the public one.

The problem is that in modern Japan, the realization of talents is hindered a large number of various prescriptions, barriers and social agreements. A lot of hidden potential remains untapped. We must explore this vast area. In short, the limit of Japan's achievements is now within Japan itself.

This means that society needs a higher quality of self-government than can be provided by the historically established norms of culture and the activity of statehood as a system of government on professional basis matters of general public importance.

In the 21st century, we must make discovering the hidden potential of Japan and the Japanese our top priority. How can we discover this potential? How can the abilities of individuals be used more effectively? Here we highlight two significant changes. The first is to change the methods and systems by which citizens interact with society. This refers to the establishment of relations between citizens, empowering the government, and the government, which, in the context of new forms of government, is "led" by the people.

This is the goal of transformations in the sphere of relations "society - statehood as a system for managing affairs of public importance in general on a professional basis."

After the Second World War, democracy was established in Japanese society, and although the form of society has changed, the content has remained unchanged. Characteristically, by virtue of habit, the traditional channels and the structure of one-way (top to bottom or public sector to private) transmission of decisions and demonstrations of power have remained unchanged. It is necessary to replace them with more equal ones, contractual relationship between those who are "below" and those who are "above", or between the private and public sectors. People must realize to the end that the government works for them.

In essence, this is a recognition that democratic procedures in Japan were imposed along with the constitution dictated by the United States and function formally, but democracy as a way of life of society did not work out (in particular: “the form of society has changed, the content has remained unchanged”), since the psychology of people according to - still crowd-“elitist”, in which the basis of the ethics of recognized powers is the certainty of one’s own and others’ hierarchical status.

The second significant change is to review and reshape the relationship between private and public spheres society. First and foremost, this means developing individuality and personal initiative: releasing strong individuals who are free, self-reliant, and responsible individuals whose capacity for empathy (our insert: the ability to respond emotionally to the experiences of others) makes them exceptional. These strong, flexible individuals will take part in public discussions on their own initiative, creating a dynamic public space. The public space created in this way will provide individuals with a greater variety of choices and opportunities. This, in turn, will lead to the emergence of a society and individuals of diversity and aspirations, individuals and societies that are bold in taking risks, accepting challenges, creative and imaginative.

In the stylistic form of the document, an error in prioritization, which can become a substantive error, i.e. not formal, but meaningful, with no distinction between causes and effects: If people with such personal qualities in question constitute the majority of society, then democracy will be exercised by them, and they themselves will develop adequate ways and procedures for its implementation, i.e. will change the methods and systems by which citizens interact with society and the state (which was called the “first” in the document, although the implementation of the “first” is an automatic consequence of what was called the “second”).

We should also consider developing a system to provide incentives for such individuals and provide a lifeline for those who fail. Building a new governance system that “empowers” ​​individuals and creating a new public space requires the establishment of a spirit of self-reliance and tolerance, which have not yet had the opportunity to manifest themselves in Japanese society strongly enough. A society in which there is no place for strong but flexible individuals is fragile. Talent, aspiration, ethical norms, aesthetic sensitivity, wisdom of individuals based on themselves create the structure and pride of the nation. Behind them is the future. This self-reliant spirit allows individuals to realize their hidden potential. Society must be tolerant and receptive in order to accept the diverse qualities and talents of individuals, to allow individuals to develop them, and to enable each person to take his place in society.

Otherwise the society withers. The spirit of tolerance reveals the hidden forces of society.”

This is the main meaning of the document under consideration, repeated in it repeatedly in different aspects and with different accents. But this meaning, read in a Japanese document, makes us remember national history and turn to the work of I.V. Stalin " Economic problems socialism in the USSR" 1952:

It is necessary, thirdly, to achieve such a cultural growth of society that would provide all members of society with the comprehensive development of their physical and mental abilities, so that members of society have the opportunity to receive an education sufficient to become active agents of social development ... (“Economic problems of socialism in the USSR", p. 68, separate ed. 1952).

It would be wrong to think that such a serious cultural growth of the members of society can be achieved without serious changes in the present state of labor. To do this, it is necessary first of all to reduce the working day to at least 6, and then to 5 hours. This is to ensure that members of the society have enough free time to receive a comprehensive education. To this end, it is necessary, further, to introduce compulsory polytechnic education, which is necessary for the members of society to have the opportunity to freely choose a profession and not be chained for life to any one profession.

For this, it is necessary to further radically improve living conditions and raise real salary workers and employees at least twice, if not more, both through a direct increase in money wages, and especially through a further systematic reduction in the prices of consumer goods. These are the basic conditions for preparing the transition to communism (Economic Problems of Socialism in the USSR, p. 69).

That is, if we consider only the aspect of goal-setting, then in setting the tasks of social development, Japan lagged behind the USSR by almost 50 years (2000 - “Goals of Japan”, 1952 - “Economic problems of socialism in the USSR”), although the essence of the common tasks for all peoples of the tasks of development was expressed in a different terminology and in a different historical and political context. These tasks were not fulfilled in the USSR, not because I.V. Stalin allegedly made a mistake and set objectively unrealizable tasks for society, since they allegedly do not correspond to the essence of the human person and society. JV Stalin was not mistaken. The reasons for the fact that the tasks set by him were not implemented are different:

This concludes the introductory section of the document “Internal Boundary. Japan's Goals for the 21st Century ends. As can be seen from its content, if we replace “Japanese” with “Russians”, “Japan” with “Russia” in it and remove references to facts from specifically Japanese history, then the document will be quite relevant for Russia today.

The next section (we will consider it the first one) of the Japan's Goals document is devoted to globalization. We will give only its beginning, which outlines the understanding of globalization by the authors of the document and expresses the requirements for statehood and society, the satisfaction of which should ensure the well-being of life and the further development of Japanese society. in the process of globalization:

Global trends and their significance

As the world enters the twenty-first century, it faces significant challenges. The trends that forced the change of those who did not gain experience during the twentieth century now sweep the entire planet. The strength and speed of the currents of change will be incomparably greater than in the past century.

This is their indication of the phenomenon that in Russia has received a name - a change in the ratio of the reference frequencies of biological and social time. Its essence is that at the dawn of civilization, many generations passed through a practically unchanged technical, technological and organizational world, then, starting from the second half of the twentieth century, during the life of one generation, several generations of equipment and technologies of the same purpose manage to change , organizational forms, many professions have time to appear and die. This has a strong impact on the psyche of people and societies and is, on the one hand, a powerful external stimulus to personal development, and on the other hand, a factor that destroys those who shy away from rethinking life and personal development.

The main trends that the world will have to face in the twenty-first century are: globalization, worldwide literacy, a revolution in information technology, the progress of science, the fall in the birth rate and the aging of the population.

With regard to demography, what has been said can indeed become an average global trend, but along with this, states that successfully solve the problems of their societies will tend to have the demographic pyramid of their societies take on the correct form, i.e. strive to ensure that the population in each younger age group is greater than in any of the older age groups. Other countries, in which medicine managed to come and qualitatively reduce the level of morbidity and mortality, but where the birth rate remains at the natural biological "pre-medical" level, and societies continue to live according to the norms of past centuries, will face overpopulation and famine, and also, possibly , and with the forceful suppression of attempts to mass migration of the population from them to more prosperous states.

The latter may be presented to many as a violation of "human rights" and genocide. There are objections to this:

1. Globalization

Globalization has moved beyond the stage when it could be considered a "process". Markets and media around the world have become more integrated, and people, goods, capital, information and images freely cross national borders in huge numbers. The barriers between countries have become lower, and the effects of improvements in one part of the world immediately appear everywhere; the world seems to be getting smaller. This trend is intensifying in the twenty-first century. As a result, the universality and effectiveness of systems and standards in various sectors, including economics, science, and academic training will be assessed at the global level. Each country will have to review and re-evaluate existing systems and practices based on global perspectives. The era of mega-competition of systems and standards is coming. This effect will spread from politics and diplomacy to the economy, public and everyday life; closed systems directed inward within one country will become empty and powerless.

This is something that Russian “patriots”-isolationists cannot understand, who do not accept globalization in its historical form and do not think about its objective and subjective qualities, which, in principle, allows people who feel life, smart and strong-willed - all this should be combined in one face - to give globalization a different - human character).

Globalization will accelerate the process of diversification, both domestically and around the world. This will bring people a wide choice and thus serve to increase vitality, but at the same time provoke direct contact with foreign elements, and thus serve as a source of friction and conflict.

Globalization has raised many challenges for Japan, including the need to maintain the pace of development, participate in the rule-making process, and provide greater opportunities for individuals. Japan has relied on a time-consuming consensus-building process through the ringi system (in which a circular containing a proposed decision must be approved by each department). However, formally prescribed norms never became explicit, and non-verbal communication was still highly valued. In this context, there was a blurring of responsibility, and the ideas and creativity of the individual were never used to their full potential.

This kind of practice in the coming era will put Japan at a disadvantage. Japan should base its systems and rules on clear international standards. There is also a need to rethink accountability, make decision-making transparent and fast, place more value on the wisdom and ideas of individuals, and clarify individual authority and responsibility. We must build a society that will not allow precedents, prescriptions, property rights and other obstacles to stand in the way of advanced concepts, a society in which people who fail have a chance to start all over again.

As can be understood from this paragraph, the leadership of Japan sets the task of de-bureaucratizing management.

Some believe that globalization is nothing more than Americanization or the unilateral application of American standards. Indeed, the United States is now enjoying the enormous benefits of many globalization processes. But even the United States must confront the spreading backlash and resentment stemming from widening income disparities at home and around the world and growing anti-American sentiment.

The essence of globalization biblically:

• Buying up the planet Earth, including the regions with their population, on the basis of the Jewish racial-corporate monopoly on international usury.
• Management of information flows in science and art through a system of personal copyrights and related rights, their purchase and provision of information at the discretion of the curators of the biblical globalization project.

The United States is the "locomotive" of globalization in the biblical way, hence their certain advantages over other states, but this is also the source of anti-American sentiments around the world. But once again: the United States is only one of the instruments for the implementation of globalization, but not its initiator, and it is not being done for their benefit ...

If anti-globalization impulses and movements towards protectionism appear at home and abroad, it will become difficult to reach an agreement on international rules. Japan should keep in mind the negative elements of globalization while fully exploiting its positive elements. Our country should take a more active part in the formation of global systems and standards, and in the creation of rules.

Essentially, this phrase means: Our country must develop and implement an alternative globalization project, i.e. Japan must become the cultural leader of mankind

Rest

In subsequent sections of the document, the provisions expressed in the introductory section "Realizing Japan's Potential" and in the first section "Global Trends and Their Significance" are repeated in conjunction with other aspects of the life of Japanese society and humanity as a whole. The general meaning of the document can be expressed briefly, taking into account the accompanying historical circumstances not mentioned in it, as follows:

• The crisis of Japan's social development with the prospect of decline is a direct consequence of Japan's involvement in the globalization project based on the biblical principles of civilization building, which form the basis of the culture of the advanced Western countries.
• It seems possible for the Japanese leadership to overcome the crisis, which requires the solution of three tasks:
  • 1. First of all, the upbringing and education of new generations so that, as adults, they are carriers of such personal qualities that most living Japanese do not possess. What personal qualities should become predominant in Japanese society is explained in the document itself.
  • 2. As a consequence of the solution of the first task, a different culture of interaction of the individual with other individuals, the individual and society as a whole with government institutions which should qualitatively change the nature of public self-government, increase its efficiency and make it more adequate to the requirements of their modernity and the prospects facing them.
  • 3. As a consequence of the solution of both of the above named tasks - to subordinate the process of globalization to Japan's original policy, implementing the principle "Submit - subjugate" - a kind of "political judo". All other tasks (of an economic, educational, research nature, building a system of relations with other states, etc.), which are discussed in the subsequent sections of this document, are either an automatic consequence (this also applies to the subordination of globalization to the political will of the Japanese leadership). with giving globalization a new quality) solutions to the first two tasks mentioned (different personnel and other ethics with the architecture of control systems) or serve to solve them.

This circumstance makes it possible to analyze the nature of the solution proposed by the Japanese leadership for only the two named tasks and thereby avoid almost paragraph by paragraph commenting on the entire multi-page document, similar to what was carried out in relation to its first two sections. At the same time, it is necessary to pay special attention to the fact that: As can be understood from the document, the leadership of Japan accepts the trend towards a decrease in the birth rate and the aging of the population as an objective reality, which must be subordinated to its policy. About any state program stimulating the birth rate in order to give the demographic pyramid more organic forms in the document, at least in its published translation, nothing is said.

Note that in the translation of the document in question there is not a word about Russia. Whether this is a consequence of the exclusion of some fragments in the translation process, or whether the authors of the document themselves considered it good for Russia to be left in silence, we do not know.