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Introduction
conclusions
Conclusion
List of sources used

Introduction

The topic of the test " industrial policy in the discipline "Economic theory".

At the time of the collapse of the USSR and the formation of Ukraine as an independent state, the industrial sector occupied a leading position in its economy. 7.8 million people were employed in industry. - more; than in any other way economic activity. In 1991, output by state industrial enterprises located on the territory of Ukraine accounted for more than 50% of the total output of goods and services by sectors of the economy and more than 40% of GVA.

At that time, the Ukrainian industry was part of a single national economic complex of the USSR, which developed on a planned basis. Since, after the collapse of the USSR, Ukraine took a course towards the transition from a planned economy to a market one, the industry was forced to go through a period of institutional and economic transformations, the main elements of which were privatization state property, liberalization of prices for goods and services, elimination of the state monopoly on foreign trade.

The expected results of such transformations were bringing the volume and structure of industrial production in line with effective demand in the domestic and foreign markets, restructuring and modernizing the production apparatus, updating production technologies, increasing labor productivity and reducing the anthropogenic impact on the environment. It was natural to expect that in connection with large-scale reforms the size of the industrial sector of the economy would shrink, but over time it would become more efficient and competitive, better meeting the new requirements for economic security states.

industrial policy neoclassical evolutionary

In order to support and stimulate the development of the industry in the difficult conditions of market transformations, the Ukrainian state has developed and implemented a number of measures in the field of industrial policy. In 1996, the Concept of State Industrial Policy was adopted (Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine dated February 29, 1996 No. 272). The next concept of industrial policy appeared in 2003 (Decree of the President of Ukraine dated February 12, 2003 No. 102). Then the State Program for the Development of Industry for 2003-2011 was adopted (Resolution of the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine dated July 28, 2003 No. 1174). In addition, the regulation of the development of Ukrainian industry in a market economy (sometimes contradictory) was carried out by methods of fiscal and monetary control. credit policy.

Industrial policy: theoretical aspect.

Ultimately, over the past 20 years, market adaptation has really taken place, and now the industry of Ukraine, represented mainly by enterprises of non-state forms of ownership, produces such products that are in demand in the domestic and foreign markets.

However, firstly, in form, the transformation processes resembled more a spontaneous collapse (especially in the first half of the 1990s) (Fig.) than targeted training and gradual adaptation to changing environmental conditions, and therefore were accompanied by serious social costs: suffice it to note that the number of people employed in industry decreased from 7.8 million people. in 1991 to 3.5 million people. in 2009, that is, more than twice.

Secondly, there was no mass restructuring and modernization of the production apparatus, no renewal of production technologies. Market adaptation was carried out mainly not through the creation of new, high-tech industries, but due to the extinction of individual enterprises and even entire industries (in light industry), whose products were not in demand or turned out to be uncompetitive. As for enterprises and industries that managed to "survive" (in the extractive industry, ferrous metallurgy, electric power industry, gas industry, chemistry and petrochemistry, mechanical engineering), many of them still use the inherited former USSR equipment and technologies that determine the level of labor productivity and man-made impact on the environment.

Thirdly, from the standpoint of the economic component of national security, the results of the market adaptation of Ukrainian industry to the new economic conditions cannot be considered satisfactory either. It turned out to be vulnerable to economic shocks, unable to maintain a stable functioning trajectory in a rapidly changing external environment. This was especially evident during the global financial and economic crisis, in 2009, when industrial production fell by more than 20%, which put Ukraine on the brink of default.

Thus, on the whole, the unsatisfactory results of the development of Ukrainian industry over the 20-year period under consideration indicate that serious changes are needed in the field of industrial policy: either it needs to be significantly restructured, or, due to inefficiency, it should be abandoned altogether.

But before raising the question on such a practical plane, it is advisable to turn to the theoretical aspect of the problem, once again weigh the pros and cons of industrial policy in the light of the radically changed economic conditions both within the country and abroad. To do this, the provisions of neoclassical, institutional and evolutionary economic theories will be consistently considered. And let's start the study by establishing the boundaries of its subject area - the definition of the concept of "industrial policy".

1. What is industrial policy?

Judging by the name, industrial policy is some of the actions of the government (central and (or) local) in the field of industry. In other words, this is a certain type of economic policy, along with such widely recognized types as stabilization, financial, trade, etc. However, unlike these types of it, which are of a general economic nature, industrial policy "in the strict sense is sectoral ( sectoral) politics; it is intended to promote industries where intervention must take place for reasons of national independence, technological autonomy, failure of private initiative, decline of traditional activities, geographic or political balance."

Many other specialists agree that industrial policy is sectoral in nature. "Industrial policy is basically any type of selective intervention or government policy aimed at changing the sectoral structure of production in the direction of industries that are expected to offer the best prospects. economic growth than in the absence of such intervention, i.e., in market equilibrium.

The change in the sectoral structure of industrial production is an element of the structural transformation (restructuring) of the economy as a whole. Therefore, it can be determined that industrial policy is "a variety of government measures designed to manage and control the processes of structural transformation of the economy." Moreover, the emphasis is on industry, since "the process of industrialization is important for the transformation of the economy as a whole, and it is possible to influence this process in such a way as to control the entire mechanism of structural changes."

D. Rodrik speaks from somewhat different positions: “There is no evidence that the types of market failures that call for industrial policy take place mainly in industry ( industry)". Therefore, for lack of a more suitable name, he refers to the term "industrial policy" as all actions of economic restructuring in favor of more dynamic activities in general - "regardless of whether they relate to industry or production directly" - and gives examples such policies (including from agriculture and the service sector).

However, such an extended interpretation leads away from the traditional understanding of industrial policy, which, in turn, makes it difficult to study this phenomenon in a historical aspect. Therefore, J. Foreman-Peck, who carried out a retrospective analysis of European industrial policy in the 20th century, refers to its sphere only those producing ( manufacturing) and infrastructure ( infrastructure) industries ( industries). And although he believes that, in principle, the term " industry can be extended to cover any source of employment, be it mining, agriculture or services (assuming that the classification of jobs is somewhat arbitrary), yet "government policies towards agriculture and services in general differed from policies towards in relation to industry more strictly defined, and therefore the field of study must be limited so that it can be managed.

An appeal to the historical aspects of the problem makes it possible to identify a certain shift in its research paradigm. If until the 80s of the XX century. industrial policy was usually understood as actions for the direct intervention of the state in the economy and directive control of the government over the production apparatus, then "at present, this term, on the contrary, denotes a variety of policies that are carried out by different institutional entities in order to stimulate the creation of firms, in favor of their concentration, promoting innovation and competitive development in the context of open economy. Therefore, the new industrial policy is mainly a policy of industrial development, in which the industry is implicitly considered as an organization, as well as the strategic management of human competencies and technical capabilities.

In modern terminology, the traditional sectoral type of industrial policy, which affects the relative importance of individual industries and enterprises, has been called "vertical policy", and its new functional type, respectively, "horizontal policy". The latter includes common a large number industries and enterprises, actions in the field of legal support of economic activity, protection of property rights, elimination of administrative barriers, promotion of innovation, etc. The horizontal type of industrial policy is emphasized by the European Commission (the highest executive body of the EU), which proposes measures to ensure the competitiveness of the European manufacturing industry ( manufacturing industry) on the grounds that most innovations take place in this industry.

Since both vertical and horizontal types of industrial policy include a wide range of actions that can affect a variety of areas of economic activity, the question arises of their limitation from the standpoint of the object of policy. Therefore, J. Pelkmans from the whole complex of actions that affect the industry ( industry), highlights those that, in his opinion, should not be attributed to the sphere of industrial policy: these are not policies for industry specially (macro economic regulation, redistribution of income, wage policy, etc.), as well as policies that directly affect the industry, but are intended not only for her (privatization, regional development, price control, etc.). It is obvious that such a division cannot be considered strict, because actions intended not only for industry are difficult to separate from the sphere of industrial policy proper.

A similar ambiguity can be seen with regard to industrial policy goals: “In most cases, industrial policy has multiple goals—increasing short-term employment, increasing output, improving income distribution, and increasing technological capacity. It often also includes (correctly or incorrectly) non-economic goals of national pride and prestige, as well as a perceived need to promote "strategic" domestic industries". Above, such goals as the structural transformation of the economy, stimulating the creation of firms, promoting innovation, ensuring competitiveness, etc. All this together gives grounds to assert that, "unlike most other areas of economic policy, industrial policy does not have a clearly defined and a generally accepted set of goals to be achieved.

So, it is not possible to strictly outline the boundaries of the subject area of research - to determine industrial policy - because there is no clarity in:

a) what exactly is the object of this policy (what should be understood by industry as an object of policy, why and how should it be separated from other sources of employment);

b) what actions relate to the content of industrial policy (include here system-wide actions in the economy, including industry, or actions in relation to industry only, which may also have system-wide effects);

c) what are the goals of industrial policy, what exactly should be the final desired result of its implementation.

It seems that such a conclusion is not unexpected or original: "The expression 'industrial policy' means different things to different people", so that "any six randomly chosen economists will undoubtedly produce at least a dozen different opinions on this issue." And again: "No taxonomy can fully cover the range of ideas about industrial policy that can be found in the literature" 25 . "Industrial policy, despite being labeled as 'politics', lacks the most characteristic features last".

But the impossibility of strictly delineating the subject area of research and giving a universal definition of industrial policy does not mean that the search for its particular (for special purposes) definitions does not make sense. In principle, this is a typical task of assigning heterogeneous elements to a certain set, which plays an important role in human understanding (for example, in biology, computer science, etc.). We can say that industrial policy is (in mathematical terminology) some fuzzy set of elements, characterized by the fact that the membership function can take any values in the interval , and not just the values 0 or 1.

In order to establish which elements should be included in the "fuzzy set" of industrial policy and which should not, it is important to determine the purpose for which such a restriction is carried out. In the present work, this is a study of the theory of the question. In its full form, it is not a coherent and consistent logical system, but a conceptual aggregate or "population" of concepts 29 that develop in competition for the best explanation of the same sphere of empirical phenomena (intersecting spheres of phenomena) and the prediction of possible scenarios for the development of events. In turn, the development of such a conceptual aggregate has direct and inverse links with the evolution of a "population" of practices, in this case, the practices of industrial policy.

Guided by these considerations, in order to solve the set task, from the many elements of industrial policy, the composition of which has changed in time and space, it is necessary to single out a "solid disciplinary core" that preserves the historical continuity of the subject area of research to which scientists appeal (or appealed). However, the problem lies in the fact that supporters of individual economic theories not only use dissimilar methods of explanation and prediction, but also often turn to the study of different aspects of empirical phenomena, so that the composition and structure of the fuzzy set of industrial policy in the view of, for example, a neoclassical adherent can differ significantly. from its composition and structure in the view of an adherent of institutionalism or evolutionism.

Therefore, further, when analyzing the provisions of scientific theories in the field of industrial policy, we will proceed from such a broad understanding of its content, which would make it possible to consider the arguments of representatives of different points of view. And so that the scope of this analysis is not unlimited, it is proposed to use as a limiter an analogue of the philosophical principle of intentionalism, according to which any action should be evaluated from the point of view of its purpose. The idea is to consider the theoretical foundations of only those actions that have the intention (intention) affect the industry - the production (extraction, movement, manufacture, processing) of material goods. This means that both "vertical policy" (to the extent that it aims to change the relative importance of industry as a whole and (or) its individual sectors) and "horizontal policy" (to the extent that it concerns the institutions innovations, etc. in industry).

2. Neoclassical foundations of industrial policy

Under the usual neoclassical assumptions, free competition of rationally self-interested economic agents that are fully informed and do not have market power leads to a Pareto efficient use of scarce resources. Therefore, the grounds for government intervention into such a market mechanism arise if there are obstacles to free competition, known as market failures ( market failures). However, this intervention itself can also be associated with failures, but now the state ( government failures). So the neoclassical arguments "for" industrial policy can be countered by equally convincing arguments "against" it.

Market failures. In the context of industrial policy, market failures that give rise to some form of government intervention usually include incomplete information, uncompetitive markets, and externalities.

incomplete information. From the point of view of commodity producers, the incompleteness of information may result in incorrect assessments of the profitability of individual commercial projects. The problem becomes more complicated if it is planned to launch a new product, the profitability of which has not yet been assessed by the market, and in the case of “linked” investments, when the uncertainty of investments in one activity (for example, in ore dressing) gives rise to uncertainties in investments in related activities (for example, , in the production of iron and steel). In turn, this leads to errors in assessing business prospects, and also reduces the potential level of business activity and investment in the economy. From the point of view of consumers, the incompleteness of information about the quality of new products forces them to be guided by average estimates of already known comparable goods. In this situation, there is a risk that businesses offering above-average quality products will be forced out of the market - what has been called "adverse selection" ( adverse selection). In addition, corporations may deliberately create barriers to the flow of information, intentionally disseminate incomplete and/or inaccurate information, and develop strategies that create market imperfections. Opposition on the part of public authorities may be that they "develop a strong competition policy to restore conditions of fair competition in a situation close to full knowledge, and implement a strategic industrial policy, through which they play an active role in encouraging non-opportunistic behavior in the industries of interest industry".

Non-competitive markets. Problems with competition in the markets, which determine one or another degree of market power of economic entities, occur for a number of reasons. These can be control of rare resources, high fixed costs, economies of scale in production. “In an industry characterized by high fixed costs (and hence economies of scale), the first firm in the market has a decisive first-mover advantage that prevents other firms from entering the market. In essence, high fixed costs and economies of scale are barriers to entrance, behind which the pioneer captures the rent to the detriment of potential competitors and consumers. If the economies of scale are so great that it allows one enterprise to satisfy the entire market demand, then one speaks of a natural monopoly - in the sense that barriers to entry are based on the laws of nature. In addition, as is known from the history of industrial policy, such barriers can be artificially created by the state: “The technologies of the 19th century were such that the infrastructure business held back the growth of industrial enterprises, and the most costly type of this business was railways. Railroads and roads were needed to get troops to the frontiers, and telecommunications were needed to give them instructions on what to do. For reasons of national security, communications networks, postal services and roads, as well as the electric telegraph and telephone, have traditionally been state monopolies, except when finances are scarce. monopolies), directive recreation of a competitive environment (due to the forced separation of enterprises), facilitating market entry (by easing regulatory requirements, allocating subsidies for start-ups, etc.).

Externalities. Knowledge is a typical example of externalities in the context of industrial policy. Once received, they can be assimilated by a large number of economic entities with relatively low costs (compared to the costs of their generation). Therefore, the social return on private investment in the creation of knowledge is greater than the individual level of profitability of the investor, and the total efforts of enterprises aimed at obtaining knowledge are the implementation of R&D, the opening of new market opportunities (the so-called " self- discovery"), etc. - may be below the socially optimal level. A similar problem is associated with the costs of enterprises for staff training, from which, in conditions of high mobility, other organizations also benefit. As in the case of other externalities, this weakens incentives to provide training In addition, externalities arise in the process of coordination in time and space - when the creation of new products requires, in particular, large simultaneous investments in related activities, the organization of which is not ensured by the market mechanism, the geographical concentration of industry, due to economies of scale and the presence within a given territory of rare or difficult to move factors of production.Externalities can be both positive (due to common infrastructure, concentration of skilled workers, diffusion of tacit knowledge) and negative (due to the accumulation of problematic industries and environmental issues). The usual neoclassical recipes for solving externality problems are to provide subsidies (monetary, credit, tax, etc.) and government purchases - to enhance positive externalities (for example, by stimulating R&D and spinoffs), as well as to levy additional mandatory payments (Pigou taxes) and fines - to mitigate negative externalities (for example, by increasing the costs of environmental pollutants).

State failures. To correct market failures, public authorities intervene in business processes(through taxes, subsidies, procurement, regulations, etc.), but the end result of their actions can also be failures - even less effective use limited resources than without such intervention. In the context of industrial policy, state failures include imperfect information, self-serving behavior of officials, conflicts between the state's industrial policy and other types of economic policy.

imperfect information. The administrative bureaucracy that governs the state, unlike those economic entities that are directly involved in market transactions, is less aware of the prices, costs and benefits of a particular business, ways of its development, prospects for changing the range of products, reorienting sales markets, etc. :" Government sector is not omniscient and, as a rule, is even less informed than private sector, about the location and nature of market failures that block diversification. The government may not even know what exactly it does not know. "The ignorance of public authorities is also associated with the definition of the list and selection of the best tools to achieve the goals. These can be a variety of means, both monetary (taxes, fines, subsidies) and non-monetary (intellectual property rights, state regulation of mergers and acquisitions of enterprises, tariffs, non-tariff measures, including quotas and licenses) types.The use of each of them is associated with the introduction of distortions in economic processes and long-term consequences that are difficult to predict - especially when more than one instrument is used individually, and several tools in the complex.

Selfish behavior official persons. If, in accordance with the premise of the rational selfishness of economic actors, officials pursue primarily personal (rather than public) interests, then the results of their actions may be inefficient allocation of resources (allocation of subsidies to industries that do not really need them, unnecessarily low or high tariffs, etc.) and the introduced distortion of competition - no matter how well aware they are of market problems. When regulators are set up to enforce industrial policy, the self-serving behavior of officials can lead to their "capture" ( regulatory capture), which means that these bodies begin to perform the functions assigned to them in the interests of those firms whose activities they are designed to regulate. This provides some basis for concluding that "economic regulation is not at all carried out in the public interest, but is a process by which interest groups attempt to advance their (private) interests". As a rule, the "capture" of regulatory bodies is achieved by corrupt methods (through bribes or various benefits for officials, for example, in the form of guarantees of future employment, etc.), although other methods can be used for this.

Conflicts industrial politicians states With others types economic politicians. In addition to industrial policy, there are at least two more types of economic policy related to state support for business: trade policy (aimed at observing the interests of domestic producers and consumers) and competition policy (aimed at ensuring the effective functioning of the market coordination mechanism). and combating non-competitive business practices). All of them have overlapping areas of application, and therefore their simultaneous use, which is common in practice, is fraught with contradictions and even conflicts. A typical example of such contradictions are those that arise in the implementation of industrial policy in the form of support for "young industries" ( infant industry). Such support, usually referring to market failures (in the form of poorly functioning capital markets, informational barriers to entry into the industry), involves the creation of special trade barriers and the adoption of measures to protect against competition, which is clearly contrary to modern competition and trade policies, often aimed at ensuring greater openness of national economies.

Thus, according to the above list of failures of the state, its actions aimed at improving the situation in the industry do not guarantee success at all. The criteria for its evaluation in neoclassical economic theory are the Pareto improvement criterion or a more operational criterion of potential Pareto improvement, involving a comparison of costs and results ( cost- benefit analysis). Therefore, in order to be convinced of the effectiveness or inefficiency of the chosen industrial policy option, it is necessary to compare the associated costs and benefits. Obviously, it is very difficult to do this in practice, due to the problematic nature of both correctly measuring the benefits of government interventions aimed at correcting market failures and calculating the associated costs, taking into account the resulting side effects.

3. Institutional foundations of industrial policy

In institutional theory, in contrast to neoclassical theory, the emphasis in justifying industrial policy is shifted from the search for the optimal allocation of limited resources to the analysis of institutions (spontaneous and formal rules with enforcement mechanisms) that contribute to or hinder the success of such a policy, and the transaction costs that accompany relationships between economic entities. Therefore, for example, differences in the productivity of the economies of closely located countries (South and North Korea, the former West and East Germany, etc.), incomprehensible from the standpoint of neoclassics, can be easily explained by differences in the effectiveness of institutions.

Such a strong emphasis on rules stems from the assumptions of institutional theory that self-interested economic agents are not fully informed and rational, but "are only capable of approximate and limited rationality." And what they can and cannot do in the current situation is determined by the institutions that limit, structure and stimulate individual behavior. Therefore, the grounds for government intervention arise when industrial policy requires the improvement of existing or the adaptation of new institutions, thereby reducing transaction costs, that is, for a reason that can be called "rule failures" (rules failures).

Among the institutional foundations of industrial policy are arguments in favor of the formation of special rules in the areas of industrial innovation, industry diversification and global value chains.

Industrial innovation. Modern economic theory moved away from understanding innovation as a mechanical process in which large financial investments automatically provide greater returns (after all, it was usually believed that an increase in R&D costs leads to an increase in innovation), towards an organic socio-cultural process in which non-material factors play a key role, the abilities of economic entities to learning and cooperative behavior. Now, a special social order, based on the "long rules" of interaction, creating the prerequisites for long-term economic planning and on cooperation, and not just rivalry of economic entities - what has been called " co-oppetition". AT modern conditions"innovation in industries is the result of the interaction of various actors (firms, universities, public agencies, financial institutions) that have formal and informal partnerships." And in innovative business areas such as pharmaceuticals and biotechnology, collaboration between firms large, small and new is pervasive ( pervasive).

A commonly cited rationale for government intervention in such relationships is that "markets provide insufficient incentives for firms to cooperate." However, in this case, explaining in neoclassical terms markets, market failures and welfare economics based on the analysis of the interaction of independent selfish individuals is not enough. Institutional theory proceeds from the fact that individuals "form their preferences not in isolation from other people, but in response to social events and widely disseminated information." In addition, in organizations, their choice is limited to routines. Moreover, in individual organizations these are different routines, subordinated to different goals, not always commercial ones. Clearly, explaining the failures (or successes) of cooperation between such dissimilar organizations is beyond the scope of neoclassical theory. The reason for these failures is no longer the failures of the markets, but the mentioned failures of the rules (in particular, their short-term and non-partner nature). And support for the "long rules" of partnerships between diversified organizations (instead of "short" and non-partner ones) can be undertaken by a state interested in economic growth - again, taking into account possible government errors, corruption, etc. "The role of the state is, therefore, to act as a guarantor of cooperative behavior for each of the partners. For example, in Japan, the Ministry of International Trade and Industry brings together in projects different kinds business and ensures that each partner is acting with integrity."

Industry diversification ( sectoral diversification) in industry, leading to structural changes and contributing to the growth of the economy and social welfare, involves the development of the production of goods that are not traditional for a given country or region. This usually does not require radical innovation based on R&D, but can be achieved by adapting goods already known in the world and their manufacturing technologies to local conditions - what is called "self-discovery" ( self- discovery). As with innovation, commercial organizations cannot solve the problems of such adaptation on their own due to information problems and coordination failures. The way out lies in institutional measures that provide for the formation of rules and the organization on their basis of the process of public-private cooperation - through joint research and the search for consensus on exactly where information and coordination externalities arise, what the goals of industrial policy in this context may be in this context. and how they should be achieved. "The correct model of industrial policy," notes D. Rodrik, "is not the application by the autonomous government of Pigou taxes or subsidies, but in strategic cooperation between the private sector and the government in order to identify where the most significant obstacles to restructuring lie and what type of intervention with the greatest likely to eliminate them. At the same time, the usual discussions about the tools, costs and results of government intervention in the industrial economy are of no fundamental importance. It is much more important "to have a process in place to help identify areas of desirable intervention. Governments that understand this will constantly be on the lookout for ways in which they can promote structural change and cooperation with the private sector. Thus, industrial policy is more a state of mind than or to others."

Global value chains. The processes of globalization and liberalization of international trade have led to a change in the situation in the world economy. Now, the Asian Development Bank notes, explaining where and how industrial goods are produced is no easy task - their design, manufacture, distribution and maintenance are divided into elements scattered around the world. We are talking about a system of international production and distribution relations, called "global value chains" ( global value chains- GVCs), in which usually more labor-intensive process steps are transferred to the territory of developing countries. GVCs, now "key and enduring structural features of the global economy", are creating both new opportunities and new threats. On the one hand, participation in these chains allows firms from different countries(above all, less developed ones) enter global production structures, improve production processes and products in line with GVCs standards, climb the technological ladder and gain wide access to international markets. At the same time, according to some estimates, "the benefits of trade liberalization, which is accompanied by the creation of international supply chain agreements between firms in industrialized and less developed countries, can be 10-20 times greater than from trade liberalization itself." On the other hand, in order to export successfully, it is no longer enough to produce competitive products efficiently: “Suppliers of labor-intensive goods from a developing country must now not only overcome traditional trade barriers that remain high for some exports from developing countries, but also become part of a certain trading network for the export to take place.

Successful overcoming of these new barriers requires specific industrial policies.

It is that the state

1) help enterprises in their country adapt to the already existing GVCs rules - by informing about what alternative GVCs exist and what key requirements must be met to participate in them, what standards apply here and what needs to be done to achieve them, through organizing collective action to creation of the infrastructure necessary to fulfill logistical requirements, etc.;

2) contribute to the formation of new international rules that are more favorable for domestic enterprises - through the organization of national trading companies, participation in the collective actions of developing countries to harmonize and eliminate double standards, to control compliance with competition rules by large TNCs, their mergers and acquisitions policies, etc.

Describing the institutional foundations of industrial policy in general, it is important to note that institutions (if they are considered as a factor of production) are non-mobile factors. Therefore, any country can copy production processes, import equipment, attract qualified personnel from abroad, but cannot borrow successful institutions. Their creation and development is a long process specific to each country, determined by the circumstances of place and time: "Effective institutions have always arisen as a result of a long chain of historical achievements - the ascent from the initial factors of a geographical nature to the direct factors derived from them, among which there are institutional" . But such a formulation of the question already touches upon the problem of the genesis of the institutions themselves, the study of which requires an appeal to the use of a different - evolutionary - paradigm.

4. Evolutionary foundations of industrial policy

In evolutionary economics, in contrast to neoclassical and institutional ones, the motives of people's behavior are determined, in addition to considerations of rationality and social factors, by a natural desire for survival. At the same time, behavior can be both selfish and altruistic, since "in the evolutionary process, it is not individual survival as such that is of real importance, but rather the successful transmission of units of heredity or genes." So under certain conditions "it may be more advantageous for an individual to promote the reproduction of kindred individuals, even at the cost of his own life, thus acting self-sacrificingly for the benefit of others." Competition for limited resources is explained not through the free choice of independent subjects, but through population dominance hierarchies that "arise in groups of living organisms to minimize aggression between individuals competing for limited resources. Since high social rank automatically gives access to all available resources, Natural selection has favored tendencies to struggle for higher social status."

The institutions discussed are also seen as having an epigenetic character. They, like any cultural and behavioral add-ons, are based on a biological basis - in the sense that they are formed by living beings that act as carriers of genetic information and are guided (including) by instincts - innate reactions to external and (or) internal stimuli. And institutions develop "through public teaching the rules of behavior, which begins with primitive, genetically determined forms of social behavior with the addition of new elements as a result of trial and error."

Using ideas borrowed from biology (the concepts of units of evolution, processes of variability, selection and heredity), evolutionary theory explores changes in time and space economic systems, but not any changes, but only those in which complex open systems adapt to their environment, diversity develops from common origins and new designs accumulate over time. Taking into account such a scope of the theory under consideration, the evolutionary foundations of industrial policy can be found in the field of national innovation systems (NIS) and industrial clusters.

NIS are integral networks of organizations and institutions, the interaction of which determines the features of innovative development individual countries. The concept of NIS is based on the idea of "techno-nationalism". This means that in every state innovative efficiency is determined by the national specifics of the ways of interaction between economic agents with different types of knowledge and skills (enterprises, research institutes, universities, etc.) in the system of creating and using innovations 88 . Such a formulation of the question itself is part of a wider set of problems of genetic and cultural co-evolution and the formation of national characteristics of intelligence.

The long-standing scientific debate about whether nature or nurture has more influence on intelligence is still a point of contention between modern environmentalists and geneticists, and so far the odds of the parties are approximately 50/50. In any case, it is clear that national characteristics really matter. And evolutionary economics, which addresses arguments from both sides, "makes a major contribution to understanding the importance for innovation characteristic features countries. The concepts of national innovation system and technological trajectory highlight the specific institutional characteristics of different countries and the uniqueness of each country's history. In terms of national specificity and institutional dynamism, industrial policy is given new legitimacy."

OECD experts see the basis for state intervention in the context of NIS not in the usual market failures (market failures), but in systemic failures - such as insufficient interaction between actors in the system, a discrepancy between basic research in the public sector and applied in industry , failures in the work of technology transfer institutions, insufficient ability of enterprises to receive and master information 92 . Accordingly, the policy measures proposed by these specialists include the development of networks of business contacts (networking) and the innovative potential of enterprises 93 .

Meanwhile, in terms of NIS, such a justification does not seem to be entirely correct: the concepts of a system and systemic failures are neutral in relation to national specifics (due, among other things, to the ethnic, historical and cultural community of people), while it is of key importance for the concept of NIS. Systemic failures of NIS are characterized, firstly, by the dependence of these systems on the features of the previous development ( path dependence) and, secondly, the national specificity of the country that has developed as a result of this process, characterized by a unique complex of genetic and cultural factors. Therefore, in this context, it is more correct to use evolutionary terminology, which takes into account these aspects, and define the shortcomings of NIS as fitness failures. (fitness failures). The natural processes of variability, selection and heredity can lead to the consolidation and spread of organizational routines that do not correspond to the national specifics of a given country and hinder the innovative development of its industry. Therefore, the government (taking into account the restrictions on its possible failures) is required to organize a process of purposeful nationally oriented cultivation of organizational routines that determine the ability of participants in the innovation process to interact in network contacts, find and recognize relevant information and technologies, etc. In turn, the criterion for the success of such cultivation is not the current economic efficiency, taking into account (institutionalism) or without taking into account (neoclassical) transaction costs, but the ability of economic entities to survive and reproduce, assessed through development indicators (for example, through indicators of the life cycle of technology, technological limits and gaps).

Industrial clusters can be defined as spatial agglomerations of producers united by networks of intense and diverse relationships. The concept of an industrial cluster differs from the concept of an ordinary industrial agglomeration in that, in addition to the spatial concentration of enterprises, a cluster implies functional links between its members and complementary competencies.

Like many socio-economic phenomena, clusters change in time and space: they can grow and develop (as well as degrade), often (but not always) in sync with the life cycle of the dominant industry. This evolutionary process "should be understood as a continuous, never the ongoing interplay of dependency on the past ( path dependence), creating a new one ( path creation) and destruction of the existing ( path destruction)".

As a rule, the upward dynamics of cluster evolution is associated with the development of network relations and innovative behavior, when industrial enterprises become part of innovative clusters ( clusters of innovation) - spatial clusters of organizations interconnected in the innovation process - manufacturers, suppliers, service providers, universities, trade organizations, etc. Today, the special significance of such clusters is determined, firstly, by the fact that in the context of globalization, business gets better opportunities to choose the most suitable areas for their efforts. "The more markets are globalized, the more likely it is that resources will flow to more attractive regions, thereby strengthening the role of clusters and influencing regional specialization." The result of such processes is that, for example, in Europe, up to 40% of the employed work at enterprises that are part of clusters. And secondly, the fact that the traditional linear model of innovation (in the form of a sequential process "basic research - applied research- R&D - new technologies and products") is gradually losing its significance. At the same time, the spatial model of the "learning region" is becoming more and more relevant ( learning region), where innovation requires the parallel development of learning abilities and the formation of strategic innovation behavior of diverse and complementary economic actors that benefit "from geographic proximity, facilitating tacit knowledge flows and unplanned interactions, which are critical elements of the innovation process". Public policy in relation to industrial clusters entering the trajectory of upward dynamics, it provides for measures "to concentrate often thematically dispersed companies at specific points. These focal points generate the first joint actions within the cluster and allow it to enter the growth phase."

The downward dynamics of cluster evolution leads to the formation of territorial closures ( lock- ins), in particular, in the old industrial regions, when "initially strengths based on geography and networking, such as industrial environments, highly specialized infrastructure, close inter-enterprise relationships, and strong support for regional institutions, become barriers to innovation." on the national (as in the situation with NIS), but on the territorial aspects of the problem.An important reason for such isolation of the old industrial regions is the organizational routine of self-sustaining regional coalitions of business and politicians ( self- sustaining coalition), in which representatives large companies prefer not to invest in business restructuring because they fear the loss of skilled workers, and government officials are not interested in such restructuring because they fear loss of tax revenues. In order to avoid the continuation of unfavorable trends leading to stagnation or decline, and to switch to a different development trajectory involved in renewal, it is necessary to cultivate (taking into account the territorial context) organizational routines that form the ability of such coalitions to activate the innovation-oriented adaptation of old industrial clusters, to create new clusters. in established industries and to the development of knowledge-intensive activities. The effectiveness of such actions, again, is not limited to indicators of current efficiency, but requires the use of long-term growth indicators (for example, the criterion of balanced development).

Introduction

By the nature of the general orientation of state influence on about mentality of the country's industrial policy. classified as protective and positive, focused on maintaining the existing industrial structure, maintaining employment, protecting national firms from foreign about strange competition, adaptive, aimed at adapting the industrial structure of the country to the shifts in the structure of demand that have occurred and the changing conditions of competition in the world market, and the initiation a positive, when the state actively influences the development of industrial about of the country, based on his vision of the desired image of its structure in a more or less long term.

Industrial policy (hereinafter PP) as one of the main functions of the state at donations in its most general form is a strategy that orients n nuyu on the formation and implementation of goals for the development of industry, through various economic instruments. The term "industry n naya policy” came to Russia in the early 90s. to designate regulation and the leading role of the state in industrial and technological development a us. In the era of the administrative-planned economy in the USSR, there was no need for such a term, because the entire economic system is essentially h start of PP. There was no alternative system to the state I decision on investment by private business, the entire strategy of the business t development of industries and intersectoral complexes was determined by the n tralizovanno from a single economic center. In the pre d market economy, it was a super-industrial policy with its With tyzheniyami, shortcomings and even failures. The need for p designation about whether the state in the development and implementation of a strategy for long-term h development of priority sectors under the dominance of s nightly relationships arose from the obvious "market failures" in the field of projects that are not designed for short-term profit. Among the destinations e of state industrial policy, consider the basis in some of them, namely:

the influence of the state on the competitiveness of industrial production;
state activities to improve the efficiency of market mechanisms;
state impact on industry structure production;
opportunities of the state to stimulate the investment process.

1. Competitiveness

The need for the state to increase the competitiveness of industrial production is dictated by such fundamental differences of the modern developed market economy as the increasing intellectualization of industrial production, the strengthening of the role of innovation and the transnationalization of industrial firms.

As a result, the competitiveness of a country's industry is increasingly dependent on factors such as quality labor resources, the strength of ties between industrial firms, higher educational institutions and research institutes, the ability to creatively master foreign technologies, the speed of dissemination of technological and other innovations in industry; capacity domestic market and the level of requirements of domestic consumers industrial products to its qualitative characteristics, the presence of clusters of technologically connected and geographically close enterprises that produce products that are in demand in foreign markets. The role of the state, which not only finances the bulk of general education educational institutions and universities, but also to a large extent determines the attitude of society to education and the prestige of the profession of a scientist and teacher, in creating an education system that meets the requirements of modern industrial production, is very significant. It is obvious that the proactive state industrial policy should be supported by a purposeful policy in the field of education. For countries with economies in transition, the most priority areas include a sharp increase in the training of specialists in the field of management, marketing and business law. Despite the importance of financial support by the state of fundamental science and the most priority programs of applied scientific research, a very large positive role can be played by organizational activity states in the following areas. First, the creation state structures, focused on identifying potential industrial consumers of knowledge accumulated by state research institutes and universities. Secondly, government coordination of R&D programs involving industrial enterprises and university laboratories, as well as government research organizations. Important factor maintaining the competitiveness of the country's industry - the presence of conditions conducive to the rapid spread of technological and other innovations in it. Since these conditions are determined primarily by the dynamics of the investment process, the activities of the state in this regard are implemented in the field of macroeconomic policy, the success of which depends on the ability to create a favorable investment climate by means of monetary and fiscal policy. Moreover, due to the lack of financial resources for small firms - innovators, it often serves as an insurmountable barrier at the stage of introducing scientific and technical knowledge into new, economically viable technological processes and types of products, the state should help expand the possibilities of financing innovative business. The state has the ability to exert a significant influence on such conditions for the competitiveness of the country's industry , as the presence of a capacious domestic market and the stringent requirements of domestic consumers of industrial products to its quality characteristics. All the developed countries market economy to maintain the competitiveness of their industry stimulate the demand for high-tech products through public procurement in industries owned by the state or under strict state regulation (electricity, primarily nuclear, telecommunications, aviation and rail transport), as well as to meet the military needs of the country. There is widespread discrimination foreign companies- manufacturers of similar products.

2. Improving Market Mechanisms

The activities of the state to improve the efficiency of market mechanisms and mitigate their inherent imperfections is the second important component of modern industrial policy. The areas in which imperfections in market mechanisms of coordination are manifested are different: First, the production of public goods and services (for example, scientific research, health services, the production of weapons, etc.). It is believed that in the production of such goods there is a fundamental difference between the parameters of efficiency on the basis of which private firms operate, and the efficiency from the point of view of society as a whole. Secondly, imperfections in the market mechanism are associated with the consequences of the interdependence and complementarity of investments, manifested in the form of "externalities", in particular, when part of the profit from a particular investment can be "grabbed" by other investors associated with it. Third, competition through innovation is unlikely to satisfy the principles of perfect competition. "Competition through new products and processes," the paper states. American economists, - is imperfect both in essence and in results ... Without the lure of higher returns, there would be no incentive to innovate. "As the development of industry becomes more innovative and innovative competition, in fact, is imperfect, with huge external effects, a strong monopoly element, then the possibilities for the development of industrial production on the basis of exclusively market mechanisms of coordination seem to be very limited. Finally, fourthly, complex problems are inherent in a market economy that makes it difficult to allocate resources with an emphasis on the long term.

In a market economy, comprehensive information support for industrial firms is a necessary condition for their survival and efficient operation. A huge amount of work on the collection and publication of information of an economic, scientific, technical, demographic and similar nature, which is widely used by industrial firms when making investment and other decisions, is carried out in the countries of a developed market economy by state departments, although they, of course, are not the only source of information used. information firms.

It should be emphasized that government departments disseminate the information they collect without any restrictions and according to affordable prices. Much attention is paid to the use of information collected by the state to develop a system of indicators used to analyze the state of the general economic situation and its short-term forecasting. A very important aspect of the information activity of the state in the countries of the market economy is the development of medium- and long-term forecasts for the development of the economy, including industry, countries and world markets for the most important industrial goods.

3. Formation of the technological base

It is also possible to influence the achievement of dynamic competitive advantages of the state industrial policy by influencing the technologies used in the country's industry and, accordingly, its sectoral structure. The impact of the state on the technological structure of industrial production was most clearly manifested in the creation of state industrial enterprises and the nationalization of entire industries. At the same time, the historical experience of market economies does not provide grounds for unambiguous and unconditional assessments of the role of state entrepreneurship in the development of industrial production. If we assume that by means of public policy it is possible to increase the national income of the country at the expense of its competitors by stimulating technologies and industries that bring a higher "rent" than other technologies and industries bring, then, obviously, the existence of such an opportunity for a long time contradicts the conditions for the functioning of systems of competitive markets and industries with free cross-country and cross-sectoral overflow of capital.

The creation of state industrial companies is not the only and in modern conditions far from the most optimal tool for the state to influence the technological structure of the country's industry.

4. Carrot and stick for investment

Another, no less important task of the macroeconomic policy of the state in relation to the problems of modernizing the country's industrial structure is the creation of favorable conditions for a dynamic investment process.

The following instruments of state influence on the dynamics of the investment process are actively used:

public investment, and not only in infrastructure;
tax incentives for investment;
containment of prices for equipment through preferential customs duties on its imports;
impact on interest rates and keeping them below the market level.

Very important role in financing investment programs bank credit plays, and the state actively influenced both the cost of the loan and the direction of its flows. internal sources(retained earnings and depreciation charges) and bank loans. An important role in financing investment programs in many dynamically developing countries was played by state financial institutions. The influence of the state on price proportions in order to stimulate the investment process was not limited to the regulation of interest rates. Specialists World Bank indicate that in these countries, tax, tariff and foreign exchange policies not only removed part investment risk from investing firms and moderately suppressed interest rates, but also controlled the import of capital, and also supported relatively low prices on investment goods. At the same time, the possibilities of using price disproportions created by state regulation in order to stimulate the investment process and economic growth of the country are significantly narrowing as its involvement in world economic relations increases. And about one more option for stimulating investment policy aimed at the development of the real sector of the economy - the use tax system.It is possible to distinguish two most important directions of the tax policy of the state, which can have a significant impact on the development of the country's industry.

First, by influencing through taxes on the level of savings of the population, sinking funds firms and their retained earnings, i.e., on the value of potential sources of financing for the investment programs of firms, the state is able to influence the most important macroeconomic proportions, in particular, the distribution of national income between accumulation and consumption.

Second, using targeted tax incentives, as well as legislation, in terms of depreciation, the state is able to influence the ratio between firms' investments in the active and passive part of fixed assets, the rate of reproduction of fixed capital in the country's industry, stimulate the investment activities of firms in priority areas from the state's point of view, influence the regional location of industrial investment.

5.Problems of state support for industry in Russia

Obviously, if the main goal of the economic reform being carried out in Russia is the creation of a modern market economy, then the Russian state is obliged to fulfill the functions listed above, which are characteristic of all market economy countries. At the same time, the peculiarities of the situation that has developed to date in the economy of our country require that the state not be limited only to these functions.

Overcoming the negative trends in Russian industrial production and creating the prerequisites for fundamental changes in its structure is impossible without a meaningful and purposeful state industrial policy, and in the most favorable version, this policy should serve as an instrument for implementing the country's industrial development strategy based on public consensus. Such a strategy should be determined taking into account the uniqueness of the current situation in Russia. This uniqueness is due to a whole range of technological and socio-political factors.

In socio-political terms current situation in Russia it is determined by a sharp differentiation of incomes between a small group of the population and its main mass. During the years of reforms, a middle class has not developed in Russia, in the absence of which it is impossible to create a market economy of mass consumption and an adequate stable political regime of a social democratic or liberal orientation.

Meanwhile, until now, the transformation of the Russian economy has been taking place in the absence of any meaningful strategy for the country's industrial development. In countries of democratic orientation, the definition of an industrial development strategy is not exclusively the prerogative of the central state authorities. In this case, the active participation of representatives of industrial business circles, trade unions, independent research organizations, and regional authorities is envisaged. At the same time, the central state structures, acting as a participant and coordinator in the development of the country's industrial development strategy, offer their assessments of the prospects for the development of the world economy and its individual regions (primarily those most closely related to the country's industry), world markets for important industrial goods, scientific and technical progress, ecological situation, etc., formulate their ideas about the desirable directions of the country's industrial development.

For such work, certain organizational structures, in which there is a thorough discussion of problems related to the development of a strategy for the industrial development of the country, including problems of a sectoral and regional nature. The activity of such structures not only makes it possible to get a more complete and clear picture of the problems and prospects for the development of the country's industry, its most vulnerable places, potential sources of growth and competitive advantages, but also creates the prerequisites for the formation of public consensus regarding the vision of the country's future industry. Such consent is, in particular, an important condition for prompt legislative formalization measures in the field of industrial policy. The function of a leader in the creation and coordination of the activities of these structures should be performed by an authoritative agency of the executive branch, so the Japanese experience deserves the closest study and use.

We have to state that at present there is no department in the executive branch of Russia capable of taking on the functions of initiator and coordinator of the development of the country's industrial development strategy in terms of its intellectual potential and authority. The development of a public consensus on the vision of the future of Russia is also hampered by the blurring of the values of the main part of the population of the country due to the collapse of the totalitarian atheistic state and negative consequences ongoing reforms for the majority of the country's population. Realizing that the development of a country's industrial development strategy and an adequate state industrial policy requires colossal collective efforts, we will note only some of the contours of such a strategy and policy. The country's industrial development strategy involves the definition of the main goals in a more or less the realization of these goals and the means to overcome these obstacles and achieve the goals set. To the most important strategic goals the development of industry in Russia should, it seems, be attributed to the preservation and improvement of the main elements of the life support infrastructure, improving the quality of life (physical and mental health of the nation, ecology, education and housing); maintaining a sufficient level of the country's defense capability.

The main obstacles to the realization of these goals are the ongoing development of a deep and protracted general economic and industrial crisis, without any positive shifts in the technological structure of industrial production, an ever-widening gap between financial sphere and the state of the Russian industry, the growing shortage investment resources. The state industrial policy of Russia should be focused on overcoming these obstacles and be proactive, based on a vision of a desirable image of the industrial structure in a more or less long term. As for the technological structure of Russian industry, it should be based on a thorough assessment of the existing scientific and technological potential taking into account the main directions of world scientific and technological progress and a number of factors. To do this, it is necessary to determine: in which technologies, based on considerations of national security in its various aspects, its own production potential is needed and what level it should reach; in what technologies does Russia have a chance to achieve a breakthrough and increase its competitiveness; satisfaction of what needs is expedient due to the import of industrial products and technologies. Based on this, it is possible to determine the following areas of state activity in the framework of industrial policy. There is a need for active, coordinating activities of state departments in the field of technological forecasting and the development of a set of criteria on the basis of which priority technologies for Russian industry should be selected.

The state can help to increase the technological potential of Russian industry, both by creating closed, poorly accessible to foreign competition systems “research and development - production of science-intensive products in Russian companies– large-scale purchases of these products by the state”, and by stimulating the inflow of foreign capital and technology by allowing foreign companies to manufacture high-tech products in the country and government purchases of these products. Most likely, both options should be combined, depending on the state of scientific and technological potential in specific areas of science and technology. State funding is needed for fundamental science and applied research for priority technologies. Despite the importance of financial support by the state of fundamental science and the most priority programs of applied scientific research, an important positive role can be played by the organizational activity of the state in the following areas: the creation of state structures focused on identifying potential industrial consumers of knowledge accumulated by state research institutes and universities; coordinating activities of the state in conducting R & D, which involve industrial enterprises and university laboratories, as well as state research organizations.

Renovation of the technological structure of Russian industry is possible only under conditions of a dynamic investment process, which to a decisive extent depends on the tax, budgetary and monetary policy of the state. This implies the need to reform the tax system with an emphasis on creating preferential conditions for savings and capital accumulation, as well as liberalizing monetary policy and creating conditions for additional issue in industrial investment. In this regard, it seems necessary to create state investment development banks, without which a quick exit from the deep investment crisis is hardly possible. A realistic assessment of the possibilities of the capital market as a source of financing for investment programs requires acknowledging that its role in Russia for many years to come is likely to be generally insignificant. Therefore, the state should focus primarily on creating conditions that stimulate own sources savings in industrial structures (depreciation policy is important in this respect), and providing these structures with long-term credit resources.

The critical situation in the Russian industry with non-payments dictates the need for an active state policy at the microeconomic level, including: - the allocation of large industrial enterprises and financial and industrial groups capable of playing the role of leaders due to their technological and managerial potential and financial condition; creation of conditions facilitating the absorption by leaders or their taking control of industrial enterprises that have the technological potential for development, but do not have the financial capabilities to implement it; the liquidation of industrial enterprises that are hopeless in all respects, with the simultaneous retraining of their personnel and in their employment.

Despite the importance of the state's active policy to create a competitive economic environment through privatization, demonopolization, support for small-scale industrial entrepreneurship, the state should promote the development of cooperation between both the main social groups and enterprises within industries and their complexes.

The development of social partnership at the level of "the state - industry associations - trade unions" could help maintain macroeconomic stabilization through the implementation of one or another policy of price and income regulation. With all the dangers that cartelization of industry is fraught with, the creation of industry associations of industrial enterprises such as cartels (on a temporary basis and with the development of clear criteria for the activities of firms belonging to cartels) could help stabilize industrial production and modernize its technological base. An important direction of state industrial policy in the coming years should be the mitigation of negative social consequences caused by changes in the structure of industrial production. Obviously, this problem will be particularly acute in the coming years. To mitigate it, the state is obliged to implement a whole range of measures, including a broad program of public works (in particular, to modernize infrastructure), a program to retrain the workforce and increase its mobility, as well as to provide sufficient protection from excessive foreign competition of industries that are most important from the point of view of maintaining employment. Finally, it is necessary to substantially increase the efficiency of managing industrial enterprises that remain state-owned.

Conclusion

AT last years the problem of state influence on the industrial development of the country has become more relevant. In this regard, the state industrial policy of Russia, at present, should become an integral part of the state economic policy (SEP), in many respects, ensuring the achievement of its goals. Therefore, the development and implementation of the GSP is the most important task government controlled. Determining the features of the formation and implementation mechanism of the state industrial policy is one of the most important theoretical, methodological and practical tasks of market transformations.

The degree of development of the problem. One of the reasons for the underestimation of the state industrial policy in the transition economy management system is the weakness of the scientific study of the importance of GSP for the Russian economy.

Summing up all of the above, we can conclude that on a common platform, the need for the implementation of the PP has risen and many doctrines compete with each other. All the considered concepts differ in the ways of implementation, in the methods of implementation, in the system of goals and values. The need for a coherent state industrial and economic strategy is obvious and relevant during all the years of radical economic reforms. Almost all sane and nationally oriented groups of society support the PP. Against the PP - only the top of the cosmopolitan capital in the largest domestic commodity companies and the ruling bureaucracy serving their interests. It is obvious that the absence of PP in the context of the rapid degradation of the industrial base and social conditions the life of the country is nonsense, explained by the unity and organization of its opponents while the disunity of its supporters. The main subject of PP is always the state represented by a set of institutions of economic power that set the "rules of the game" in industrial strategy and select winners and losers, i.e. partially replacing the functions of market competition, which liberals are always so afraid of. In addition, homegrown interpreters of the ideas of Hayek-Mises are so obviously tied to the interests of energy and raw materials companies embedded in the global market for these products that any talk about PP is perceived by them absolutely “correctly”, because in modern Russian conditions, this means the inevitable redistribution of income from transnational "raw materials" in favor of national "industrialists" with the help of the economic power of the state. Therefore, all that liberals demand from the state is the preservation and strengthening of the “competitive” regime in the economy, “forgetting” that energy and raw material monopolies feel most at ease in the conditions of such “competition”, cheaply buying up all the necessary resources within the country (including labor strength and state support in the form, for example, of the notorious MET, which created unprecedented opportunities for tax evasion differential rent) and expensive sellers finished products both in the global and domestic markets. Super profits are deposited in offshore zones and Western banks.

PP issues are real political and economic issues of the theory and practice of reforms, because they affect the fundamental economic interests of the main sections of society. They address the underlying issues of the creation, distribution and appropriation of social wealth. And while economic power is in the hands of "transnationals", the state will diligently bypass the issues of industrial strategy, replacing it with such "important" reforms as the monetization of benefits, the commercialization of science and education, the endless shake-up of the administrative apparatus, etc.

Literature

Zevin L.Z. “Economic structures of different levels in global processes: features of interaction. Scientific report by IMEPI RAS. - M: EPIKON, 2009, p.8-9.
Tatarkin A. Industrial policy as a basis for the systemic modernization of the Russian economy // Probl. theory and practice management. - 2011- N 1. - P.8-21.
Pilipenko I. Cluster policy in Russia // Society and Economics. - 2009- N 8. - S.28-64.
Industrial statements No. 8-9 (19-20) April 2010
Zavadnikov V. Industrial policy in Russia / V. Zavadnikov, Yu. Kuznetsov // Ekon. politics. - 2011. - N 3. - P.5-17.
Zeltyn A.S. State industrial policy in market economies// ECO. - 2012. - N 3. - S.42-60.
Ivanov V.S. Rational management of the territory as a factor in the development of industrial policy // Microeconomics. - 2009. - N 5. - S.124-127.
Abramov M. About industrial policy and tax regulation // Svobodnaya thought. - 2009. - N 1. - S.101-116.
Abramov M.D. Industrial policy and tax regulation // EKO. - 2009. - N 1. - S.165-173.

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What is an open economic policy of the state Economic goals of the state. The main directions of economic policy. Stabilization monetary policy Goals Instruments Types Pros and cons Stabilization fiscal policy Goals Instruments Types Pros and cons Structural policy Definition How to understand it Examples of structural policy Pros and cons Questions 1

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Economic policy state is the process of implementing its functions to achieve certain economic goals.

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The classical economic functions of the state are the stabilization of the economy; protection of property rights; regulation monetary circulation; redistribution of income; regulation of relations between employers and employees; control of foreign economic activity; production of public goods.

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The most common economic goals of the state Ensuring economic growth (development!); creation of conditions for economic freedom (the right to choose the type, form and scope of economic activity, methods of its implementation and use of income from it); Ensuring economic security and economic efficiency;

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The most common economic goals of the state concern for providing full time(everyone who can and wants to work should have a job); Providing assistance to those who cannot fully provide for themselves, etc.

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The main directions of the state economic policy are stabilization, structural.

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Stabilization includes mainly fiscal (fiscal) and monetary (monetary) policy. The structural direction uses such methods of influencing the economy as governmental support industries that are especially important for the development of the entire economy of the country, the production of public goods, privatization, the promotion of competition and the restriction of monopolies, etc. If the stabilization policy is aimed primarily at improving the economy, then the structural policy is aimed at maintaining its balanced development, i.e., a healthy lifestyle.

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Stabilization monetary policy What is it? What are the main benefits and risks associated with the use of its tools?

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Objectives of monetary policy Ensuring: stable economic growth, full employment of resources, stability of the price level, equilibrium of the balance of payments.

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Monetary policy has an impact on aggregate demand. The object of regulation is the money supply. Monetary policy is determined and implemented by the Central Bank. However, the change in the money supply occurs not only as a result of the operations of the Central Bank, but also of commercial banks, as well as decisions of the non-banking sector (consumers and firms).

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Types of monetary policy There are two types of monetary policy: stimulating and restraining. Stimulative monetary policy is carried out during a recession with the aim of "invigorating" the economy, increasing business activity in order to combat unemployment. A contractionary monetary policy is carried out during a boom period and is aimed at reducing business activity in order to fight inflation.

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Benefits of monetary policy Absence of an internal lag (the period of time between the moment of realizing the economic situation in the country and the moment of taking measures to improve it). No crowding out effect. The stimulating monetary policy (an increase in the money supply) causes a decrease in the interest rate, which leads not to crowding out, but to stimulating investment. Multiplier effect.

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Disadvantages of monetary policy Possibility of inflation. Stimulating monetary policy, i.e. an increase in the money supply leads to inflation even in the short run. The presence of an external lag due to the complexity and possible failures in the mechanism of monetary transmission. The external lag is the period of time from the moment the measures are taken to the moment the result of their impact on the economy appears.

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Stabilization fiscal policy What is it? What are the main benefits and risks associated with the use of its tools?

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Fiscal policy is the government's actions to stabilize the economy by changing the amount of income or expenditure. state budget. Fiscal policy is the action to regulate aggregate demand. Regulation of the economy occurs through the impact on the amount of total costs. A number of tools fiscal policy can be used to influence the aggregate supply.

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Objectives of fiscal policy: stable economic growth; 2) full employment of resources (solving the problem of cyclical unemployment); 3) a stable price level. Fiscal policy instruments - expenditures and revenues of the state budget: public procurement; 2) taxes; 3) transfers.

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Types of fiscal policy Depending on the phase of the cycle, either stimulating or contracting policies are applied. The stimulating fiscal policy is applied during a recession and is aimed at increasing aggregate demand. Its instruments are: an increase in government purchases, a reduction in taxes and an increase in transfers. A contractionary fiscal policy is used during a boom and is aimed at reducing aggregate demand. Its instruments are: reducing government purchases, increasing taxes and reducing transfers.

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Impact of fiscal policy instruments on aggregate demand Government purchases are a component of aggregate demand, so their change has a direct impact, while taxes and transfers have an indirect impact on aggregate demand. Growth in government purchases increases aggregate demand. An increase in transfers also increases aggregate demand as personal income households An increase in taxes leads to a reduction in aggregate demand.

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The Impact of Fiscal Policy on Aggregate Supply Since firms view taxes as a cost, higher taxes lead to a reduction in aggregate supply, and tax cuts increase business activity and output.

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Advantages of fiscal policy Multiplier effect (fiscal policy instruments have a multiplier effect on the value of aggregate output. Absence of an external lag (an external lag is the period of time between a decision and the appearance of the first results. The presence of automatic stabilizers. Since these stabilizers are built-in, the government does not need take special measures to stabilize the economy.

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Disadvantages of fiscal policy Presence of an internal lag. (this is the period of time between the need to change the policy and the decision to change it). Displacement effect. (budget spending during a recession to total income, which is the demand for money and the interest rate in the money market. Rise in the cost of loans to private investment, i.e. to "crowding out" part of the investment costs of firms.

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Structural (industrial) policy What is it? What are the main benefits and risks associated with the use of its tools?

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Examples of industrial policy World experience provides examples of at least three types of industrial policy: export-oriented (creating conditions for the growth of exports of certain types of products), domestically oriented (protecting the domestic market and ensuring economic self-sufficiency), strategic industrial policy aimed at limiting the use of one's own natural and non-reproducible resources (oil, timber, ecology, etc.).

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Examples of industrial policy Export-oriented policy - South Korea in the 60s-80s and other "tigers" of Southeast Asia, China in the 80s and 90s, partly Japan, India in the 90s, Chile in the 70s and 80s -X. Internally oriented policy - India 60s - 80s, France 50s - 70s, Japan, China, USA (in terms of policy in agriculture), the USSR and, to a certain extent, Russia. Strategic industrial policy - actions of the USA, OPEC countries.

Presentation on the topic "goals of economic policy and their priority". Economic policy State industrial policy and its concepts presentation

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Introduction

The topic of the test " industrial policy in the discipline "Economic theory".

1. What is industrial policy?

So, it is not possible to strictly outline the boundaries of the subject area of research - to determine industrial policy - because there is no clarity in:

a) what exactly is the object of this policy (what should be understood by industry as an object of policy, why and how should it be separated from other sources of employment);

b) what actions relate to the content of industrial policy (include here system-wide actions in the economy, including industry, or actions in relation to industry only, which may also have system-wide effects);

c) what are the goals of industrial policy, what exactly should be the final desired result of its implementation.

2. Neoclassical foundations of industrial policy

Market failures. In the context of industrial policy, market failures that give rise to some form of government intervention usually include incomplete information, uncompetitive markets, and externalities.

3. Institutional foundations of industrial policy

Among the institutional foundations of industrial policy are arguments in favor of the formation of special rules in the areas of industrial innovation, industry diversification and global value chains.

Successful overcoming of these new barriers requires specific industrial policies.

It is that the state

4. Evolutionary foundations of industrial policy

Similar Documents

Introduction

2. Improving Market Mechanisms

3. Formation of the technological base

4. Carrot and stick for investment

Conclusion

Literature

Presentation on the topic "goals of economic policy and their priority". Economic policy State industrial policy and its concepts presentation

Send your good work in the knowledge base is simple. Use the form below

Introduction

The topic of the test " industrial policy in the discipline "Economic theory".

1. What is industrial policy?

So, it is not possible to strictly outline the boundaries of the subject area of ​​research - to determine industrial policy - because there is no clarity in:

a) what exactly is the object of this policy (what should be understood by industry as an object of policy, why and how should it be separated from other sources of employment);

b) what actions relate to the content of industrial policy (include here system-wide actions in the economy, including industry, or actions in relation to industry only, which may also have system-wide effects);

c) what are the goals of industrial policy, what exactly should be the final desired result of its implementation.

2. Neoclassical foundations of industrial policy

Market failures. In the context of industrial policy, market failures that give rise to some form of government intervention usually include incomplete information, uncompetitive markets, and externalities.

3. Institutional foundations of industrial policy

Among the institutional foundations of industrial policy are arguments in favor of the formation of special rules in the areas of industrial innovation, industry diversification and global value chains.

Successful overcoming of these new barriers requires specific industrial policies.

It is that the state

4. Evolutionary foundations of industrial policy

Similar Documents

Introduction

2. Improving Market Mechanisms

3. Formation of the technological base

4. Carrot and stick for investment

Conclusion

Literature

So, it is not possible to strictly outline the boundaries of the subject area of research - to determine industrial policy - because there is no clarity in: